mark that I must be growing buckish — an observation which savors more of facetiousness than originality.

Such was our hunt. It was the pleasantest week that I ever passed. We brought in ten deer. Several more were mortally wounded, but got out of the way. - some into the surf and others into the thickets. We returned to Beaufort without any accident, and in high spirits.

THE MADMAN'S MOURNFUL MADRIGAL.

COME, gentlemen and ladies fair - -come listen to my wo;
I'll tell you all about my love-it happened long ago;
'Twas in my youth's sweet spring-time, when passion-flowerets start,
And rills of pure affections gush most warmly from the heart.

But now that heart is broken and the quiet waters there,
As from a fountain's shattered rim, have left their channels bare;
And my song, that rose in gladness when I hymned it long ago,
Like murmurs of a cracked guitar, rings mournfully and low.

O, cruel, cruel Molly Bland 'twas thou didst cause my smart;
Thy scorn fell like a sledge-hammer-it fell and broke my heart;
It came as comes a thunder-clap; for, from that awful hour,
The milk of human kindness in my curdled breast turned sour.

I told my love one Sunday morn-I wrote it in a letter ;

How sweet she smiled, how red she blushed, the next time that I met her:
Alas! her color and her vows were both as false as fair;

And there was lightning in her eye- pomatum on her hair.

I told my passion to the winds-I hymned it to the sea,
And everything but Molly Bland did sympathise with me ;

I sighed it to the clouded skies - they wept a shower of rain,

I told it to the village bells-they tolled it back again.

I cut her name on every tree about my father's park,

And now there's not a sapling left they died for want of bark;
They say there's not an echo there for many miles about,

I cried her name so very much I wore the echoes out.

O, cruel, cruel Molly Bland, how could you use me so !
Your pride has cut my heart in twain, and doubled all my wo;
For, once I was a single mana single, sorrowing elf-
But now, alas! there's two of me- - for I'm beside myself.

ELAH.

429

A PLEA FOR THE LABORING CLASSES.

Ir now seems to be pretty well settled, that the preservation of the institutions of this country depends mainly upon the more universal and better education of what are called the laboring classes; that this rapidly increasing population must constitute no inconsiderable portion of the understanding, as well as the bone and sinew of the republic. The general right of suffrage placing the power of government within their reach, whatever may be their qualifications or increase, it certainly behoves us to inquire, whether they shall be swayed, to a great extent, by men practiced in all the arts of political deception, or whether they shall be so far enlightened as to understand the principles of the government under which they live, and be able to act wisely for themselves in all their political relations.

Is it not high time that all who are interested in perpetuating our institutions, should be awake on this subject? It matters little what political party has the ascendancy; it is a plain case, that if the great body of our people are not capable of acting the part of free citizens, the government, under whatever form it may be administered, cannot long be maintained. Now it seems to us, that, having found the root of most of the evils our nation has to encounter - namely, popular ignorance the efforts of every friend of the country ought to be directed towards the annihilation of this great enemy of moral and political freedom. If this be not done, and more wholesome laws be not enacted, relative to the naturalization upon our shores of the degraded of all nations, we may bid farewell to the noble institutions reared through the blood of our fathers.

There has been considerable agitation among the laboring classes, in various parts of the country, in relation to the im provement of their condition. However we may view some of the courses they have adopted, the calls of these men for the dis cussion of their situation, appear to us to demand much more consideration than they have received. Supposing them to be incorrect in some of their principles and conduct, when we remember the fact that a large portion of them have not been sufficiently educated to know how to pursue the best course for their elevation, we shall find reason to exercise charity towards their failingsand, so far from suffering our interest in their welfare to be diminished, it is our duty-the situation of the country presses us to examine their condition-physical, moral, and intellectual and to do eveything in our power that will tend to their improvement. Comparatively little, perhaps, can be done for the ignorant who are somewhat advanced in life; but there is

ample opportunity to benefit those who are soon to occupy their places, and whose moral and intellectual elevation constitute the future hope of the country.

The consideration of this subject has led us to the opinion that what is called the ten-hour system' of labor, which has been agitated somewhat in this city-although its adoption here is looked upon by many as at least uncalled for, if not fraught with many evilsis, on the whole, highly necessary to the extensive improvement of the laboring population, and calculated, through them, to promote the good of the community at large. It has been carried into effect to a considerable extent in New-York and Philadelphia; and we cannot but believe, that when the liberal-minded men of New-England, who are now opposed to the system, shall have examined the subject in all its bearings, they will be convinced, not only of its justice and general advantages, but of the necessity of its adoption, as one of the first steps towards fitting a large class to act the important part of republican citizens notwithstanding many individuals have surmounted the difficulty of excessive labor, among other obstacles which ought not to have been in their way. We think the decision of most physicians would accord with the opinion of others who are well acquainted with the subject, that the physical constitution, generally speaking, will not bear more than ten hours' labor a day without injury, except in cases where persons are uncommonly robust. But, be this as it may, comparatively few men can be found who possess disposition or energy, after laboring more than this number of hours, either to engage in their own intellectual improvement, or, if heads of families, to go through their domestic duties. in a proper manner-especially as relates to the management and education of their children. They must have time and their physical powers must not be exhausted. The only plausible objection to this system-that the leisure thereby obtained may not be properly improved-appears to us to have no solid foundation. Without asking what reason there is for affirming that the majority of the laboring class are not as likely to employ their leisure profitably as the same portion of any other order of society, how does the objection stand, in itself considered? What is the argument? It amounts simply to this, that men ought not to have opportunity for improvement, because they may not improve the opportunity. This principle, carried out, would of course abolish the day set apart for moral and religious improvement, together with all similar privileges with which society is favored.

There may be employments which require more labor at one season than at another, and which afford considerable time for mental and moral culture; but there is no difficulty in adapting the system of labor under discussion to all cases of emergency in

business; and whenever no grievance is felt on the score of time, it is contrary to the principles of the system to require any change.

It is objected to republican institutions, by the best writers of the monarchical school, that a popular community, by reason of its vocations requiring nearly all its time and attention, can never be fitted to take government into its own hands. What part of this proposition can be reasonably objected to, except that it is not a fact that the occupations of the laboring classes necessarily require so much time as they command through the present general system of labor? It appears to us there is little difficulty in proving that all who are opposed to giving these classes opportunity for moral and intellectual improvement, and all laborers themselves who do not believe in the necessity of such improvement, belong to the purest order of monarchists, in principle, however much republicanism they may think themselves to possess.

We are also of the firm conviction, that while the laboring population are obliged to toil, upon the average, from eleven to fifteen hours a day, it is not only impossible for them, as a body, properly to perform their moral, religious, and political duties, but that they cannot, so far as they are concerned in the arts, pursue those studies which are indispensable to their becoming finished scientific workmen. We are aware of the general belief, that the study of the sciences is not necessary with the mass who are engaged in the various active pursuits. But this narrow view is fast going out of date. The intimate connection between the arts and sciences, is beginning to be more extensively acknowledged. The progress of steam, if nothing else, will, ere long, convince the most incredulous, that the great mass of mankind were made for something beside mere machines. The sciences of law and medicine are no more closely connected with the practice of the lawyer and the physician, than mechanical and agricultural science with the business of the mechanic and the farmer; and in this respect, therefore, as well as in others, the business professions deserve a no less honorable rank than the learned. The same may be said of other sciences—as, for instance, of Political Economy, in its application to mercantile affairs, although a knowledge of it is not generally thought indispensable to becoming a finished merchant. This connection between science and art affords, to our mind, one of the strongest arguments in favor of republican institutions; from the fact, that where it is well understood, and opportunity for study is allowed, it induces a mental discipline eminently calculated to fit the community at large properly to appreciate and sustain them. But there must be considerable modification of the present system of labor, before the most extensive benefits of this connection will be realized.

Holding these views, we were somewhat surprised at the rejec tion of the recent petition to our city government for a meeting to consider the ten-hour system of labor, so far as it related to persons employed on the public works. We believed a full discussion of the subject the best way of disposing of it, and of preventing the turn-out' principle from being carried into execution; and did not then doubt but the petition would be granted. We now think, however, that the main objection, either to the discussion or adoption of the system, is founded on a wrong view of what is proposed by it; which, perhaps, is to be expected, as this, together with the whole subject of the rights of laborers, has never been matter of very general interest. It is true, the laboring classes have not been entirely free from blame, in relation to this lack of interest. Many of them have had too much the appearance of wishing to create hostility between their own and other orders of society; and consequently, at least towards those possessing this appearance, hostility has been created. Admitting there is, with a large portion of the community, an alarming amount of indifference towards the rights and interests of the laboring population, it is not strange that very few are willing to discuss calmly a subject pressed upon them, as they consider it, by men who are desirous of tearing up all the foundations of society. The fact is, before extensive good will be done by those engaged in the cause of manual laborers, it must be admitted that the term 'working-man,' in its broadest sense, does not apply exclusively to persons of any particular calling. If any one class has a special claim to the title, it is that engaged in the learned professions. The labor of mechanics, and others, who work a reasonable amount of time-say ten hours a day—is conducive to the health of body and mind; while that of the other class, faithfully performed, is often prejudicial to both. The absolute necessity of an extensive division of labor, is beyond all question; and nothing is more ridiculous than for one class of mankind to decry the profession of another. Every reasonable man who examines the subject, must see that all classes depend upon each other and that it is the duty and for the interest of each class, while it shall do all in its power for its own prosperity, to regard with the same interest the prosperity of all other classes. Nothing is more unnatural and destructive than war between the different orders of society.

Neither will the simple cry of aristocracy effect the reform required by manual laborers. The same old enemy of mankind -popular ignorance is at the bottom of all aristocracy; and the shortest way to the complete accomplishment of their purposes, as well as of all the ends of republicanism, is the destruction of that. All stumbling-blocks of an arbitrary character in the way of improvement, should be removed- and nothing unnat