only a very decided minority of the community in | edy for the evil. I think all calm and dispassionate these States are disposed at present to entertain favorably any proposition of adjustment which looks toward a reconstruction of our National Union. In this state of things we have not deemed it our duty to attend any of the secret sessions of the Congress. The resolutions of the General Assembly are upon the table of the Congress, and having submitted them as a peace offering, we would poorly perform the duties assigned to us by entering into discussions which would serve only to enkindle strife." But it will be said that these guarantees could not have been obtained from the North. This I admit to be true, and only produce this piece of history to prove that whatever might have been obtained, nothing would have been accepted. But the Congress of the United States did pass, by the constitutional majority of two-thirds, the proposition reported by Mr. CORWIN, from the Committee of Twenty-six, to so amend the Constitution as to perpetuate slavery in the States. What stronger guarantees could be given, so far as the States were concerned, it would be difficult to conceive. What, then, would have been left to quarrel about? The Territories. During the session of Congress which closed on the 4th of March, 1861, acts were passed to provide temporary Governments for the three remaining new Territories, to wit: Colorado, Ne. vada, and Dacotah. These acts contain no trace or indication of the Wilmot Proviso, nor any other prohibition against the introduction of slavery, but, on the other hand, expressly declare, among other things, that " no law shall be passed impairing the rights of private property; nor shall any discrimination be made in taxing different kinds of property, but all property subject to taxation shall be in proportion to the value of the property taxed." men, everywhere, are now ready to admit that it would have been far better for us to have accepted the terms offered to us, and preserved peace and the Union, than to have plunged this once happy country into the horrors of this desolating wat, which has spread a pall over the whole land-has brought mourning into every family-has rendered bundreds of thousands of hearthstones desolate-has filled the land with maimed and disabled, with widows and orphans, and squalid poverty has crowded our poorhouses and almshouses has sported away many hundreds of thousands of lives and many hundreds of millions of treasure, only to find the institution for which they profess to have gone to war, in a thousand times greater jeopardy than ever before. Such being the condition into which they have brought the country, the question presents itself, "Is there any remedy?" A full, complete, and adequate remedy there is not; for what can restore the loved ones lost-repair at once the desolation, or remove immediately the mourning from our land? Yet there is a remedy, which, with the helping hand of time, will accomplish much, very much indeed, and which, with the energy which usually follows desolating wars, will, perhaps, remove most of its traces in a half century. This remedy is peace, SPEEDY PEACE! But they say that we are so situated that no proposition for peace can be made by us; that having proclaimed our independence, we must fight until it is voluntarily acknowledged by the United States, or until we are completly subjugated. On the meeting of the British Parliament, which took place on the 13th of December, 1792, the king, in his speech to the two houses, intimated his intention of going to war with the French Republic. On moving the address in answer to the speech, a meinorable debate arose. On this occasion, CHARLES JAMES FOX delivered one of those powerful speeches which have made his name immortal-which have forever stamped him as the ablest of British debaters, and the first of British statesmen. In the course of that speech he said: 'But we now disdain to negotiate. Why? Because we have no minister at Paris. Why have we no minister there? Because France is a republic! And so we are to pay in blood and treasure of the people for a punctilio! Now, when it is considered that all three of these territories are north of 36 deg, 30 min., and that in the new territory now owned by the United States, south of that line, slavery actually exists, and is recog nized by the territorial law, the question may well be asked, "What was there worth quarreling, much less fighting about?" Here was a settlement of the question in the territories, made by a Republican Congress, which gave the South all that up to the time of the Charleston Convention she had ever asked, and far more than she could hope to gain, in any event, by secession; indeed, I think it must The road of common sense is simple, plain, and now be apparent that secession, even if it could direct. That of pride and punctilio is as tangled as have been effected peaceably, would have been no it is serpentine!" In the impassioned language of remedy for the grievances of which they complained. Mr. Fox, I would ask, are we to pay in blood and Nay, so far as any grievances arising from a failure treasure of the people for a punctilio? Shall we to obtain a return of our fugitive slaves was con- pursue the path of pride and punctilio, which is as cerned, I think it must now be apparent that it tangled as it is serpentine, or shall we take the simwould have been an aggravation instead of a rem-ple, plain, and direct road of common sense, which * THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS MANIFESTO. 435 ray lead to the happiest results? Four-fifths of the people of that portion of North Carolina bordering for many miles on the Yadkin river, and I believe of the whole State, are in favor of the latter course. The one great demand of the people of this part of the State is peace: peace upon any terms that will not enslave and degrade us. They may, perhaps, prefer that the independence of the South should be acknowledged, but this. they believe, cannot now be obtained, nor, in viewing the situation of affairs, do they see much to hope of it in the future. They naturally ask, if with no means of recruiting to any extent, we cannot hold our own against the armies which the Yankees have now in the field, how can we meet them with their 300,000 new levies which will soon be in readiness, while they can keep their army recruited to a great extent, if not up to its maximum number from adventurers which are constantly arriving in their ports from every country in Europe? But if independence cannot be obtained, then they are for any terms that are honorableany terms that do not degrade us. They would be willing to compromise upon the amendment proposed by Mr. CORWIN, from the Committee of Twenty-six, perpetuating slavery in the States to which I have before alluded. But in what precise way overtures shall be made, or the movement inaugurated, I leave to wiser men and abler statesmen than myself to propose. I would, however, suggest to the people to elect members to the next Congress who are in favor of an armistice of six months, and, in the meantime, of submitting all matters in dispute to a convention of delegates from all the States, North and South, the delegates to be elected by the people themselves, in such manner as may be agreed upon by the two parties. Others there are, who desire that the people of North Carolina should be consulted in their sovereign capacity through a convention-that the Legislature should submit the question of "Convention or no Conven tion" to the people, as was done in February, 1861. Such a convention would undoubtedly speak the sentiments of the people of the State. citizens as well as soldiers, as all would be consulted. But I propose nothing definite, and only make these suggestions to bring the matter before the public. I would, however, most earnestly appeal to the friends of humanity throughout the State to use their utmost efforts to procure as speedily as possible an honorapeace. In the name of reason, of suffering humanity, and of the religion which we profess, would I appel to the public men and statesmen of North Carolina, and especially to that eminent statesman who possesses in a greater degree than all others the confidence of the people of the State, and who has recently been elevated to a high place in the ble Confederate Government, to lend a helping hand and use their influence to bring about an honorable peace. And lastly. I would appeal to the ministers and professors of our holy religion to pray constantly without dictation or terms-to Almighty God for an honorable peace. CLEMONSVILLE, N. C., July 16, 1963. THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS MANIFESTO. In virtue of the following preamble and resolution Whereas, It is due to the great cause of humanity and civ ilization, and especially to the heroic sacrifices of their gal lant army in the field, that no means consistent with a proper self-respect and the approved usages of nations should be omitted by the Confederate States to enlighten the public opinion of the world with regard to the true character of the struggle in which they are engaged, and the dispositions, principles and purposes by which they are actuated; there fore Resolved by the Congress of the Confederate States of Americ, That the following manifesto be issued in their namo and by their authority, and that the President be requested to cause copies thereof to be transmitted to our commissioners abroad, to the end that the same may be laid before foreign Governments. the Confederate Congress, under date of June 12th, issued this "Manifesto relative to the existing War with the United States. The Congress of the Confederate States of America, acknowledging their responsibility to the opinion of the civilized worid, to the great law of Christian philanthropy, and to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, for the part they have been compelled to bear in the sad spectacle of war and carnage which this continent has, for the last three years, exhibited to the eyes of afflicted humanity, deems the present a fitting occasion to declare the principles, the sentiments and the purposes by which they have been and are still actuated. They have ever deeply deplored the necessity which constrained them to take up arms in defense of their rights and of the free institutions derived from their ancestors; and there is nothing they more ardently desire than peace, whensoever their enemy, by ceasing from the unhallowed war waged upon them, shall permit them to enjoy in peace the sheltered protection of those hereditary rights, and of those cherished institutions, the series of successes with which it has pleased Almighty God, in so signal a manner, to bless our arms on almost every point of our invaded borders since the opening of the present campaign, enables us to profess this desire of peace in the interests of civilization and humanity without danger of having our motives misinterpreted, or of the declaration being ascribed to any uumauly sentiment or any distrust of our ability fully to maintain our cause. The repeated and disastrous | established, to recur to original principles, and to checks, foreshadowing ultimate discomfiture, which their gigantic army, directed against the Capital of the Confederacy, has already met with, are but a continuation of the same providential successes for us. We do not refer to these successes in any spirit of vain boasting, but in humble acknowledgement of that Almighty protection which has vouchsafed and granted them. institute new guards for their security. The sepa rate independence of the States, as sovereign and co-equal members of the Federal Union, had never been surrendered, and the pretension of applying to independent communities, so constituted and organized, the ordinary rules of coersion, and reducing rebellious subjects to obedience, was a solecism in terms, as well as an outrage on the principles of public law. The war made upon the Confederate States was, therefore, wholly one of aggression. Born freemen, and the descendants of a gallant ancestry, we had no option but to stand up in defense of our invaded firesides, of our desecrated altars, of our violated liberties and birthright, and of the prescriptive institu tions which guard and protect them. We have not interfered, nor do we wish, in any manner whatever, to interfere with the internal peace and prosperity of the States arrayed in hostility against us, or with the freest development of their destinies in any form of action, or line of policy they may think proper to adopt for themselves. All we ask, is alike immunity for ourselves, and to be left in the undisturbed enjoyment of those inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," which our common ancestors declared to be the equal heritage of all the parties to the social compact. Let them forbear aggressions upon us, and the war is at end. If there be questions which require The world must now see that eight millions of people, inhabiting so extensive a territory with such varied resources and such numerous facilities for defense as the benignant bounty of nature has bestowed upon us, and animated with one spirit to encounter every privation and sacrifice of ease, health, of property, of life itself, rather than be degraded from the condition of free and independent States into which they were born, can never be conquered. Will not our adversaries themselves begin to feel that humanity has bled long enough; that tears and blood and treasure enough have been expended in a bootless undertaking, covering their own land, no less than ours, with a pall of mourning, and exposing them far more than ourselves to the catastrophe of financial exhaustion and bankruptcy, not to speak of the loss of their liberties by the despotism engendered in an aggressive warfare upon the liberties of another and kindred people? Will they be willing, by longer perseverance in a wanton and hopeless contest, to make this continent, which they so long boasted to be the chosen abode of liberty and self-adjustment by negotiation, we have ever been government, of peace and a higher civilization, the theatre of the most causeless and prodigal effusion of blood which the world has ever seen, of a virtual relapse into the barbarism of the ruder ages, and of the destruction of constitutional freedom by the lawlessness of usurped power? These are questions which our adversaries will decide for themselves. We desire to stand acquit ted before the tribunal of the world, as well as in the eyes of Omniscient Justice, of any responsibility for the origin or prolongation of a war as contrary to the spirit of the age as to the traditions and acknowledged maxims of the political system of America. willing and are still willing to enter into communication with our adversaries in a spirit of peace, of equity, and manly frankness. Strong in the persua sion of the justice of our cause, in the gallant devotion of our citizen soldiers, and of the whole body of our people, and above all in the gracious protection of Heaven, we are not afraid to avow a sincere desire for peace on terms consistent with our honor and the permanent security of our rights, and an earnest aspiration to see the world once more restored to the beneficent pursuits of industry and mutual intercourse and exchanges, so essential to its well-being, and which have been so gravely interrupted by the existence of this unnatural war in America. But if our adversaries, or those whom they have placed in authority, deaf to the voice of reason and justice, steeled against the dictates of both prudence and humanity, by the presumptuous and de On this continent, whatever opinion may have prevailed elsewhere, it has ever been held and acknowledged by all parties that Government, to be lawful, must be founded on the consent of the governed. We were forced to dissolve our federal connection with our former associates by their aggres-lusive confidence in their own numbers, or those of sions on the fundamental principles of our compact of union with them; and in doing so we exercised a right consecrated in the great charter of American liberty-the right of a free people, when a govern. ment proves destructive of the ends for which it was their black and foreign mercenaries, shall determine upon an indefinite prolongation of the contest, upon them be the responsibility of a decision so ruinous to themselves, and so injurious to the interests and repose of mankind. HOW LEE WAS OUT-GENERALED BY GRANT. 537 For ourselves, we have no fear for the result. The wildest pictures ever drawn of a disordered imagination, comes short of the extravagance which could dream of the conquest of eight millions of people, resolved with one mind to die freemen rather than to live as slaves,' and forewarned by the savage and exterminating spirit in which this war has been waged upon them, and by the mad avowals of its patrons and supporters, of the worse than Egyptian bondage that awaits them in the event of their subjugation. With these declarations of our dispositions, our principles and our purposes, we commit our cause to the enlightened judgment of the world, to the sober reflection of our adversaries themselves, and to the solemn and righteous arbitrament of Heaven. HOW LEE WAS OUT-GENERALED BY GRANT. The "change of base" of Grant's army from Cold Harbor to before Petersburg must be regarded as wish we should make, for it is as hazardons as it is audacious, and the rebels might reasonably hope, that with the armies in such close proximity, they would. by striking at our forces in crossing, find an opportunity to make us pay dearly for our temerity. It was, perhaps, in part, because they argued that these considerations would have with Grant sufficient weight to induce him to forego the attempt of putting his army on the south bank of the James that the rebels suddenly leaped to the conclusion that we would not make the movement they had speculated we would make, (and which we were actually executing,) but attributed to an entirely different line of operation against Richmond. What this was and the mode in which their false judgment affected their conduct, and the important influence this had on the development of the plans ef General Grant, remain matters of living interest, and deserve a little consideration. The rebels fancied that the withdrawal from the Chickahominy was an attempt to make another turning on their right flank-that passing the Chick one of the finest strategic and tactical operations of ahominy, we would turn up its southern side, adthe war. To the details given in the body of this work [see page 291] we here add the following in teresting statement of an observer (Swinton) regard. ing the nature of Grant's proceedings and of Lee's misconception of the situation: The whole army was put in motion on Sunday night (12th), and with such admirable secrecy was the withdralal conducted that the rebels were kept in ignorance of the fact until the next morning, when all that they fell heir to was our abandoned position. The withdrawal was announced by General Lee in the following dispatch: "HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA, "At daylight this morning it was discovered that the army Our skirmishers were of General Grant had left our front. advanced between one and two miles, but failling to discover the enemy, were withdrawn. R. E LE, Gencral." The failure to discover the enemy" was doubtless a matter of serious moment with Lee; but even this must have been subordinate to the puzzling quely as to where the enemy would be apt to turn up. Although the speculations of the Richmond papers had for some time shown that the rebels were looking to the possibility of a transfer of the Union army to the south side of the James river, yet oddly enough, when our army was found actually to have withdrawn, they came to the conclusion that we had not gone where they had been prophesying we would go. It is a maxim of war never to do what the enemy wishes you to do. Now, of all possible moves, this very one of crossing the James river is the one the enemy would naturally most This is one of vance to Malvern Hill, and thence attempt to make James, our left wing resting upon that stream, and our way up to Richmond by the north bank of the the gunboats covering our advance. the best lines of operations against Richmond, and certainly the best line that can be taken up on the north side of the James, both as respects facility of communications and security of advance; and the knowledge of this fact was, no doubt, another con sideration, suggesting to the rebels the probability of our adopting this route. On this head, the Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday, June 14th, in treating of our change of base, says: "Grant's object is to get possession of Malvern Hill, to secure that strong point for future operations on the north side of the river, and be within safe distance of his gunboats at Turkey Bend That portion of his forces which crossed at Forge Bridge and Turner's are believed to have moved down to Shirly, opposite City Point Another part is reported to be embarking at the White House to join the former by way of the water. Of their particular movements we have no direct intelligence, though it is highly probable that they are correct." Now this anticipation of an advance by way of Malvern Hill was not merely a newspaper theory; it was a presumption on which General Lee acted in his military combinations, in a moment the most critical in the entire campaign. Had he known that the army was moving in the direction it actually had at the time, and would cross the James where it really did, there is little doubt that a bold counter-movement on his part would have put him in a position to make the passage of the river, or at least debouching from the opposite bank, a perilous matter to us. The necessities of our situation oblig ing General Grant to make a great sweep round the rebel army, gave the enemy the interior line, aud all the advantages that inhere therein. of the enemy. As already stated, the 5th Corps, after crossing the Chickahominy at Long bridge, instead of proceeding on the real line of march of the Instead, however, of being able to fall back him- army, in a direct route by east, toward the James, self across the James, and advance to resist our pasturned off due west, and following the Long bridge sage, Lee, filled with the idea that Grant was about road, advanced toward White Oak swamp. A por to come up on Richmond from the north side, drew tion of Wilcox's cavalry division, namely, the bri his army down all the distance from the Chickahom-gade of Chapman, was thrown forward in advance. iny to Malvern Hill, and threw it across the path he The main position having been taken up, detachfancied Grant was panting to seize. An inspection of the topographical map will show that the rebels have here what might easily form a powerful defensive line. From Malvern Hill across to White Oak swamp by the Quaker road, is a stretch not exceeding seven miles; now the tenure of this line by the enemy holds ail the roads that lead to Richmond between the James and the Chickahominy, namely the Charles City road, Central road, Long Bridge road and New Market road. It was for the purpose of holding this front in force, that Lee on Monday and Tuesday, was hurrying down his columns-a very different direction from that he would have indicated for them had he known the real movements of this army. But there was more to push Lee forward in this false direction than his own surmises; he was espe cially aided and encouraged in his delusion by the motions and manœuvres of a portion of this army to which was assigned the duty of re-enforcing the rebel surmise of our purpose to move on Malvern Hill. This was the corps of General Warren. In the withdrawal, Crawford's division had the advance and reached the Chickahominy about midnight of Monday. Passing this stream immediately by a small pontoon bridge, this division took position to cover the crossing of the remaining divisions of Warren's corps, which being effected, it proceeded to Malvern Hill to mask the movements of the rest of the army. While Warren, on Monday, made this feint, the remainder of the army took up the real line of march. The 6th and 9th Corps, forming the left hand column of the army, passed the Chickahominy at Jones' bridge on Monday night, took the Charles City Court honse road, and struck the James river at Wilson's landing at noon of Tuesday, 13th, but bivouacked to await the pontooning of the river. The 2d Corps, by a night march, following the 5th as far as the Long bridge, where it crossed at ten o'clock of Tuesday morning, struck directly for the James river by a road parallel to that on which the left hand column moved, and separated from it by an interval of from eight to ten miles. And now, while the main columns are hurrying forward to the James on Tuesday, and crossing it on Wednesday, turn back a moment to the movements ments of cavalry advanced on the road to White Oak swamp bridge and Biddle's shop, or New Market crossroads. At the former point, Gordon's brigade, with three guns in position, was encountered; but, after some skirmishing, the rebels were re-enforced with infantry, and compelled Chapman to retreat in some confusion. General Crawford then formed Carlin's brigade, which repulsed the enemy. The infantry we encountered was a portion of Hill's corps. (brigades of Wilcox and Mahone,) and the interpretation put upon it, are thus recorded in the Petersburg Express of Wednesday, the 15th: "Lee intercepted Grant s army yesterday morning, while moving for Malvern Hil, gave it battle, and after a sharp fight drove it back with considerable loss, Grant was thought to be aiming for James river, in his retreat, and it was reported that a portion of his forces had reached Westover, in Charles City county If this be correct, and some of the passengers with whom we have conversed, state that they read it on the bulletin boards of some of the Richmoni papers, Grant now occupies a similar position to that in which McClellan found himself after he was whipped by General Lee in 1882" While the rebel leaders in Petersburg and Richmond were thus felicitating themselves, the whole army, saving the corps which had made the feint, was across the James; and at dark, Warren with drew by the same route as Hancock had passed, and also made the passage. A DEFENSE OF SIGEL. The suspension of Major-General Franz Sigel from the command in West Virginia (May, 1864), and the inferential censure of the Lieutenant-General by this act, elicited this protest and defence of Sigel, by one who assumed to be conversant with the facts of the campaign in the Shenandoah Valley: When the General took command of the Department of West Virginia, the troops were scattered over the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, but partially equipped, disciplined, or brigaded. The staff was very defective in appointment, and the troops, for want of discipline and employment, were in a measure demoralized. But little effort had been made to fortify the principal places in the department, and, generally, things were in a worse |