were blanks. So Mr. Jefferson became President, and Mr. Burr Vice-President.

During this memorable struggle it was charged upon the Federalists that they designed to prevent an election, and to pass an act vesting the executive authority in some high officer of the government. On the 15th of February, Mr. Jefferson wrote Mr. Monroe that, "Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no foundation for this belief. If they could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election."

All such intentions were distinctly disclaimed by those against whom the charges were more immediately made. Among these was James A. Bayard, of Delaware, who made a deposition, on the 3d of April, 1806, setting forth his own position, and that of those who acted with him. The only delay, on his part, to the withdrawal of his opposition to Mr. Jefferson, was to effect the arrangement of "certain points" of Mr. Jefferson's administration. These were, "the support of public credit, the maintenance of the naval system, and that subordinate public officers employed only in the execution of details, established by law, shall not be removed from office on the ground of their political character, nor without complaint against their conduct." Satisfactory assurances being received, the opposition of Mr. Bayard and his associates, Messrs. Baer, Craik, and Morris, was withdrawn, and Mr. Jefferson's triumph secured.

The sixth Congress expired on the 3d of March. Mr. Adams left Washington early the next morning, without waiting to attend the inaugural ceremonies. His abrupt departure and non-intercourse with Mr. Jefferson for the

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space of thirteen years, although the latter made overtures at the time and subsequently; and the fact that he was only reconciled through the instrumentalities of Dr. Rush and the concordant sympathies of the parties touching the war with England, indicates on the part of Mr. Adams a sense of personal wrong, the nature of which we are left to infer from his correspondence, of 1804, wherein he charges Mr. Jefferson with "a want of sincerity, an inordinate ambition, and a mean thirst of popularity."

The mind of Mr. Adams was depressed. His philosophy failed him. The sceptre of Federal power was broken. The party was prostrated never again to rise. In the bitterness of disappointment the defeated factions criminated and re-criminated each other. Mr. Adams charged his own defeat and the downfall of the Federal party to the "Essex Junto,"* which, in turn, stigmatized him as the instrument of their political prostration. Both were equally in the wrong. It was not the division among themselves; it was not the Alien and Sedition Laws, the additional army, the increased navy, the excise, the eight per cent. loan, the direct tax, nor the renewal of negotiations with France that transferred the administration of the government from the hands of the Federalists. These causes may have accelerated that transfer, but the real agent was more occult and resistless in its influence.

From the time when parties were distinctively organized, the Federal party was compelled to combat with a numerical majority, and only obtained its supremacy by means of its superior organization and the skill and adroit

* The name given to certain ultra Federalists who were opposed to John Adams, and entertained, as was alleged, strong partialities for England. Among them were the members of the Cabinet, who were dissatisfied with his mildness towards France. Some of the leading ones resided in Essex county, Massachusetts. Hence the name.

ness of its leaders; seconded by the commanding influence of General Washington. During the latter years of General Washington's administration the executive could not rely upon a majority in the House, while in the Senate the casting vote of the Vice-President was frequently called into requisition to save the Administration from defeat. The Federal strength was found in thickly populated localities where culture, social order, wealth and refinement prevailed. While the liberal ideas fostered by the opposition prevailed through all the sparsely settled districts, and all along the frontier range where respect for law is modified by the necessary disorganization which attends the filling up of a new country, Massachusetts and Connecticut, sustained generally by the other New England States, were the peculiar strongholds of Federal power. South Carolina, through the wealthy population along her seaboard, co-operated for a time with the eastern States, but was ultimately forced to yield to the popular will. Virginia was essentially Anti-Federal, and was an index of the policy pursued by the growing States south and west of her borders. While Delaware stood unflinchingly Federal, New Jersey and Maryland wavered. Pennsylvania and New York, the great battle ground whereon the destinies of parties were cast, extending the line of their frontiers, and augmenting their population with bold and enthusiastic pioneers, inclined more and more to the Republican side.

Irresistible influences were everywhere at work creating opposing factions. The government was organized on a plan novel in its character, and well calculated to create diversity of opinion relative to the details of its administration. The Administration was constrained to throw itself between the people and Great Britain, in order to avert those disastrous consequences which the continued

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insolence of England rendered imminent, and the hatred which the people entertained towards that country was insensibly transferred to the Administration. France, on the other hand, was cherished with fond admiration. The insults she offered our government were lightly regarded by the people, and to their discredit be it said, they were indignant that these agressions were rebuked with a spirit that became the dignity of an independent nation.

On none of these questions could the Administration remain passive. Again, the rapid expansion of the country involved a necessary increase of expenditures by the government. It answered the purpose of party, that the increase existed; the cause was not sought after.

The Federal party, exhausted from the reaction of its persistent effort to arouse and prepare the people to repel the insults and encroachments of foreign countries, was illy conditioned to bear up under the combination of home influences which were forced upon it. Overborne, it at last fell before its successful rival. It fell not without honor.

To it belonged the proud distinction of having laid the foundation of the governmental structure, and also of having reared the machinery for its operation. Its principles survived the party. Federal measures were denounced and overthrown, only to be, very generally, reestablished and maintained by the party that succeeded to office, as sound and equitable principles, wisely adapted to promote the highest good of the country and the well-being of the people.

CHAPTER V.

ADMINISTRATION OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, 1801-1809.

THOMAS JEFFERSON was inaugurated President of the United States on the 4th of March, 1801, at the City of Washington; to which place the seat of government had been transferred during the administration of his prede

cessor.

President Jefferson organized his Cabinet by the appointment, with the consent of the Senate, of James Madison, of Virginia, Secretary of State; Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; and Levi Lincoln, same State, Attorney-General. Samuel Dexter and Benjamin Stoddart were continued for a short time in the departments of the Treasury and Navy. Their successors were Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, and Robert Smith, of Maryland. Gideon Granger, of Connecticut, was appointed Postmaster-General. The head of this department was first recognized as a member of the Cabinet under General Jackson.

Mr. Jefferson commenced his administration under most favorable and auspicious circumstances. The European difficulties, which, at the opening and during the entire official term of his predecessor, threatened to imperil the peace if not the existence of the government, were being harmoniously adjusted, thus affording security to