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And through this night, as on he wandered,
And o'er the past and present pondered,
And thought upon the glorious dead
Who there in better cause had bled,
He felt how faint and feebly dim
The fame that could accrue to him,
Who cheered the band, and waved the sword,
A traitor in a turbaned horde;
And led them to the lawless siege,
Whose best success were sacrilege.
Not so had those his fancy numbered,
The chiefs whose dust around him slumbered;
Their phalanx marshalled on the plain,
Whose bulwarks were not then in vain.
They fell devoted, but undying:
The very gale their names seemed sighing:
The waters murmured of their name;
The woods were peopled with their fame;
The silent pillar, lone and gray,
Claimed kindred with their sacred clay;
Their spirits wrapt the dusky mountain,
Their memory sparkled o'er the fountain;
The meanest rill, the mightiest river
Rolled mingling with their fame for ever.
Despite of every yoke she bears,
That land is glory's still, and theirs!
'Tis still a watch word to the earth.
When man would do a deed of worth,
He points to Greece, and turns to tread,
So sanctioned, on the tyrant's head:
He looks to her, and rushes on
Where life is lost, or freedom won.

From Paul's Letters to his Kinsfolk, [ascribed to Walter Scott.]

The following poems are translations from a manuscript collection of Frenoh songs, which was found on the field of Waterloo after the battle.

THE TROUBADOUR.
Glowing with love, on fire for fame,

A Troubadour that hated sorrow,
Beneath his lady's window came,
And thus he sung his last good-morrow:

58

VOL. VII.

“My arm it is my country's right,

My heart is in my true love's bower; Gaily for love and fame to fight

Befits the gallant Troubadour.” And while he marched with helm on head

And harp in haud, the descant rung,
As faithful to his favourite maid,

The minstrel-burther still he sung:
My arm it is my country's right,

My heart is in my lady's bower;
Resolved for love and fame to fight,

I come, a gallant Troubadour." Even when the battle-roar was deep,

With dauntless heart he hewed his way, Mid splintering lance and falchion-sweep,

And still was heard his warrior.lay; “My life it is my country's right,

My heart is in my lady's bower; For love to die, for fame to fight,

Becomes the valiant Troubadour." Alas! upon the bloody field

He fell beneath the foeman's glaive, But still, reclining on his shield,

Expiring sung the exulting stave: “My life it is my country's right,

My heart is in my lady's bower; For love and fanic to fall in fight

Becomes the valiant Troubadour."

CUPID'S CHOICE.
It chanced that Cupid on a season,

By Faney urged, resolved to wed,
But could not settle whether Reason

Or Folly should partake his bed. What does he then?-Upon my life,

'Twas bad example for a deityHe takes me Reason for his wife,

And Folly for his hours of gayety. Though thus he dealt in petty treason,

He loved them both in equal measure; Fidelity was born of Reason,

And Fally brought to bed of Pleasure.

DOMESTIC LITERATURE AND SCIENCE.

An inquiry into the principles and policy of the government of the United States. Comprising nine sections, under the following heads:-1. Aristocracy. 2. The principles of the policy of the United States, and of the English policy. 3. The evil moral principles of the government of the United States. 4. Funda ing. 5. Banking. 6. T'he good moral principles of the government of the United States. 7. Authority. 8. The mode of infusing aristocracy into the policy of the United States. 9. The legal policy of the United States. By John Taylor, of Caroline county, Virginia. Fredericksburg: Green and Cady 1814. pp. 656.

Mr. Taylor is a very decided, unsparing and formidable enemy of the banking and funding systems. His doctrines on these subjects are in open defiance of Adam Smith, Alexander Hamilton, Lord Lauderdale, Ganilh, Dr Bollman and the whole host of our orthodox political economists. According to him there is rising up in this country an aristocracy of paper and patronage that threatens to be more fatal to its freedom and happiness than any other species of aristocracy could prove. The evils of this system he cousiders inherent, uniform and inevitable: an absolute monarch, he says, guided by the good moral qualities of man may produce national happiness, and so any other anomalous case, under other forms of government may serve to perplex the science of politics; but under the vicious system of paper and patronage, founded in the evil moral qualities of avarice and ambition, a nation has no chance of happi. ness, “ because an evil moral principle can not produce good moral effects. That a system, founded like this, upon evil moral principles, is incapable of amelioration from the personal virtues of magistrates, is proved by its steady unfluctuating course of effects in England, where its rigorous consistency, and growing severity, is neither interrupted nor softened in the smallest degree by the virtues of individuals. Martial law and stock law, are naturally and necessarily tyrants, but a man may be a tyrant or a patriot. If a political system, founded in evil moral principles, proceeds consistently and certainly in the dispensation of evil to nations, without sustaining impediments from the virtues even of its administrators; is it not conceivable, tbat one founded in good moral principles, is discoverable, capable of dispensing good, independently also of the vices of its administrators? One as free from evil qualities, as that of paper and patronage is from good, would probably effect so desirable an object.” p. 36.

“ It is the same thing to a nation whether it is subjected to the will of a minority, by superstition, conquest, or patronage and paper. Whether this end is generated by error, by force, or by fraud, the interest of the nation is invariably sacrificed to the interest of the minority.

"If the oppressions of the aristocracies of the first and second ages, arose from the power obtained by minorities, how has it happene that a nation which has rejoiced in their downful, should be joyfully gliding back into the same policy? How happens it, that whilst religious frauds are no longer rendered sacred, by calling them oracles, political fraud should be sanctified, by calling it national credit? Experience, it is agreed, has exploded the promises of ora. cles; does it not testify also to those of paper stock

“ Paper stock always promises to defend a nation, and always fees from danger. America and France saved themselves by physical power, after danger had driven paper credit out of the field? In America, so soon as the danger disappeared, paper credit loudly boasted of its capacity to defend nations, and though a disaster, artfully repealed the rewards due to the conqueror. In France, it transferred to fraud an avarice the domains which ought to have aid. ed in defending the nation, or to have been restored to the former owners. p. 37.

“ Sinecure, armies, pavies, offices, war, anticipation and taxes, make up an outline of that vast political combination, concentrated under the denomination of paper and patronage. These, and its other means, completely enable it to take from the nation as much power and as much wealth, as its conscience or its no conscience will allow it to receive; and lest the capacity of public loaning to transfer private property should be overlooked, it has proceeded in England to the indirect sale of private real property. If a land tax is sold for a term amounting to the value of the land, a proprietor is to buy his own land at its value, or admit of a co-proprietor, to whom he must pay the value by instal. ments; and thus a paper system can sell all the lands of a nation. If national danger should occur after this sale, it can only be met by the people; and the purchaser from a paper system, of an exemption from the land tax to-day, must be again taxed or fight for his land to-morrow. The case of this individul is precisely that of every nation, made use of directly or indirectly to enrich a paper system; it is perpetually at auction, and never receives any thing for itself; because, however ingeniously a paper system can manage artificial danger for its own emolument, it is neither able nor willing to meet real danger; and however rich it is made by a nation, the nation must still defend itself, or perish. p. 38.

“The effect of opposite interests, one enriched by and governing the other, correctly follows its cause. One interest is a tyrant, the other its slave. In Britain, one of these interests owes to the other above ten hundred millions of pounds sterling, which would require twelve millions of slaves to discharge, at eighty pounds sterling each. If the debtor interest amounts to ten millions of souls, and would be worth forty pounds sterling round, sold for slaves, it pays twelve and a half per centum on its capitation value to the creditor interest, for the exclusive items of debt and bank stock This profit for their masters, made by those who are called freemen, greatly exceeds what is generally made by those who are called slaves. But as nothing is calculated except two items, by including the payments for useless offices, extensive salaries, and fat sinecures, it is evident that one interest makes out of the other, a far greater profit than if it had sold this other, and placed the money in the most productive state of usance.

“Such is the freemen of paper and patronage. Had Diogenes lived until this day, he would have unfledged a cock once more, and exhibited him as an emblem, not of Plato's man, but of a freeborn Englishman. Had Sancho known of a paper stock system, he would not have wished for the government of an island inhabited hy negroes. Has Providence used his system to avenge the Africans, upon the Europeans and Americans?

“Whatever destroys an unity of interest between a government and a nation, infallibly produces oppression and hatred. Human conception is unable to invent a schenie, more capable of afflicting mankind with these evils, than that of paper and patronage. It divides a nation into two groups, creditors and debtors; the first supplying its want of physical strength; by alliances with fleets and armies, and practising the most unblushing corruption. A consciousness of inflicting or suffering injuries, fills each with malignity towards the other. This malignity first begets a multitude of penalties, punishments and executions, and then vengeance.

“A legislature, in a nation where the system of paper and patronage prevails, will be governed by that interest, and legislate in its favour. It is impossible to do this, without legislating to the injury of the other interest, that is, the great mass of the nation. Such a legislature will create unnecessary offices, that themselves or their relations may be endowed with them. They will lavish the revenue, to enrich thermselves. They will borrow for the nation, that they may lend. They will offer lenders great profits, that they may share in them. As grievances gradually excite national discontent, they will fix the yoke more securely, by making it gradually leavier. And they will finally avow and maintain their corruption, by establishing an irresistible standing army, not to defend the nation, but to defend a system for plundering the nation.

" A nation exposed to a paroxysm of conquering rage, has infinitely the advantage of one, subjected to the aristocratical system. One is local and temporary: the other is spread by law and perpetual. One is an open robber, who warns you to defend yourself; the other a sly thief, who erupties your pockets

under a pretence of paying your debts. One is a pestilence, which will end of itself; the other a climate deadly to liberty.

“ After an invasion, suspended rights may be resumed, ruined cities rebuilt, and past cruelties forgotten; but in the oppressions of the aristocracy of paper and patronage, there can be no respite; so long as there is any thing to get, it cannot be glutted with wealth; so long as there is any thing to fear, it cannot be glutted with power; other tyrants die; this is immortal p. 41.

“The only two modes extant of enslaving nations, are those of armies and the system of paper and patronage. The European nations are subjected by both, so that their chains are doubly riveted. The Americans devoted their effectual precautions to the obsolete modes of title and hierarchy, erected several barriers against the army mode, and utterly disregarded the mode of paper and patronage. The army mode was thought so formidable, that military men are excluded from legislatures, and limited to charters or commissions at will; and the paper so harmless, that it is allowed to break the principle of keeping legislative, executive and judicative powers separate and distinct, to infuse itself into all these departments, to unite them in one conspiracy, and to obtain charters or commissions for unrestricted terms, entrenched behind public faith, and out of the reach, it is said, of national will; which it may assail, wound and destroy with impunity. p. 42.

“A paper system proposes, to fulfil its promise of defending a nation, by giving it credit; from which credit, it infers an increase of natoinal strength. Let us ascertain what national strength is, before we hastly conclude, that it can be created by a stock system. It consists of people and revenue. If by any means A nation was deprived of half its people would this add to its strength? If by a paper system, it is deprived of half its revenue, can this either add to its strength? Revenue, like people, is subject to numerical limits. Suppose the people of Britain are able to pay a revenue of forty millions sterling, but that thirty are appropriated to the use of paper and patronage: re not three fourths of their strength gone, so far as it consists of revenue? But Great Britain with her ten millions of free revenue can borrow two hundred millions. If strength is to be measured by the power of borrowing, she could have borrowed four times as much, had her whole revenue been free, and consequently would have been four times as strong." p. 44.

These extracis may give the reader a general view of the grounds on which Mr. Taylor supports his bold opinions. The great political importance of the subjects he discusses, and his very able and ingenious manner of treating them, entitle his work to the profound consideration of all those who wish to become thoroughly acquainted with public affairs. We will only observe at present that in many parts of the work, as well as in the section from which the above passages are selected, he has mingled and confounded institutions which, however allied, have no necessary connexion with each other, and which should be inves. tigated separately in order to ascertaiv the nature and properties of each. The fünding system, for example, may subsiet, and it has in fact been established and raised to a great extent in countries which had neither paper currency nor any banks like ours. In France the amount of the funded debt, previous to the revolution, was enormous, although she had no paper money, and but few banks; which were mostly private ones, dealing only in specie or in bills that were ito real representatives. The public debt of Spain, without banks or paper currency arose to more than eighty millions sterling, or npwards of three hundred and fifty-five millions of dollars; and the Dutch national debt became still larger, although the banks of Hollanol were merely banks for the sate keeping and page ment of specie, issuing no notes and giving no credits but for coin actually deposited in their coffers.—The banking system, though it undoubtedly facilitates loans to government, may in like manner subsist where the funding system is not adopted. The opponent of banking should moreover distinguish between the various kinds of banks, and point out the manner and the degree in which he conceives their respective operations to be pernicious; for it is manifestly un. reasonable to class the bank that merely takes charge of and returns on demand

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