fulfilled the long desire of his heart. On the twenty-second of February 1787, six days in advance of New York, and as yet in ignorance of what had been done in congress, they acceded to the invitation from Annapolis. Before its delegates were chosen, the recommendation of a convention by that body was known; and Bowdoin, in their commissions, wisely made use of the words of congress. The two southern states chose their delegates to the convention in April. Connecticut waited for its day of election in May. Then Elizur Goodrich, the preacher of the election sermon, proved from one of the prophets of Israel the duty of strengthening the national union and restoring the national honor, or they would be obliged themselves to repeat the lamentation that "from the daughter of Zion all her beauty was departed." "Gentlemen," he broke out to those to whom he was preaching, "Heaven unite the wisdom and patriotism of America in the proposed convention of the states in some equal system of federal subordination and sovereignty of the states." On the twelfth, Samuel Huntington, the governor, addressing the legislature, recommended a superintending power that should secure peace and justice between the states, and between all the states and foreign nations. "I am," he said, "an advocate for an efficient general government, and for a revenue adequate to its nature and its exigencies. Should the imposts be carried to excess, it will promote the growth of manufacture among yourselves of the articles affected by them, and proportionally increase our wealth and independence. Manufactures more than any other employment will increase our numbers, in which consists the strength and glory of a people."* The assembly then chose to the convention three men who were all closely united, and so able that scarce any delegation stood before them. Maryland, rent by a faction eager for the issue of paper money, did not elect delegates till near the end of May. New Hampshire, from the poverty of her treasury, delayed its choice till June. Rhode Island alone, under the sway of a perverse party spirit which was fast ebbing, refused to be represented in the convention. * Carey's Museum, ii., 396. The people of the United States watched the result of the convention with trembling hope. "Shall we have a king?” asked Jay, and himself answered: "Not, in my opinion, while other expedients remain untried." It was foreseen that a failure would be followed by the establishment of three separate confederacies. The ministry of England harbored the thought of a constitutional monarchy, with a son of George III. as king; and they were not without alarm lest gratitude to France should place on an American throne a prince of the house of Bourbon. + The task of preparing the outlines of a constitution as the basis for the deliberations of the convention was undertaken by Madison. His experience and his studies fitted him for the office. He had been a member of the convention which formed the first constitution for Virginia; of its first legisla ture as a state; of its executive council when Patrick Henry and Jefferson were governors; for three years a delegate in congress; then a member of the Virginia legislature; a commissioner at Annapolis; and, so soon as the rule of rotation permitted, once more a member of congress. From the declaration of independence he had devoted himself to the study of republican and of federal government. On the failure at Annapolis, Jefferson cheered him on to a broader reformation: to make the states one nation as to foreign concerns, and keep them distinct in domestic ones; to organize "the federal head into legislative, executive, and judiciary;" to control the interference of states in general affairs by an appeal to a federal court. With Edmund Randolph, Madison insisted that from him, as governor of Virginia, the convention would expect some leading proposition, and dwelt on the necessity of his bending his thoughts seriously to the great work of preparation; but Randolph declined, pleading his want of the necessary leisure. Madison proceeded without dismay. He held as a fixed principle that the new system should be ratified by the people of the several states, so that it might be clearly paramount to their individual legislative authority. He would make no material sacrifices to local or transient prejudices. To Sparks, ix., 511. Madison, i., 280. * Temple, infra; Adams, viii., 420. him the independence of each separate state was utterly irreconcilable with the idea of an aggregate sovereignty, while a consolidation of the states into one simple republic was neither expedient nor attainable.* In the endeavor to reconcile the due supremacy of the nation with the preservation of the local authorities in their subordinate usefulness, he did not escape mistakes; but he saw clearly that a widely extended territory was the true domain for a republic, and in advance of the federal convention he sketched for his own use † and that of his friends, ‡ and ultimately of the convention, a thoroughly comprehensive constitutional government for the union. Washington at Mount Vernon was equally studious. He made himself familiar with the reasonings of Montesquieu; and he obtained the opinions, not of Madison only, but of Knox and of Jay. From their letters and his own experience he drew three separate outlines of a new constitution, differing in manifold ways, and yet each of the three designed to restore and consolidate the union.# *Madison, i., 287. + Notes on the confederacy, Madison, i., 320-32S. Madison to Jefferson, 19 March 1787, Madison, i., 284; to Randolph, Gilpin, 631; Elliot, 107; to Washington, Sparks, ix., 516. #North American Review, xxv., 263. |