the part of France, nothing but suspicions and equivocal circumstances had been quoted in evidence of it, and even in these, it appeared that our Ministers were divided; that the embarrassment in which France was placed by the interfering claims of Spain with the United States, must have been foreseen by our Ministers, and that the impartial public would expect that, instead of coöperating with Great Britain in taking advantage of this embarrassment, they ought to have made every allowance and given every facility to it, consistent with a regard to the rights of their constituents; that, admitting every fact alleged by our Ministers to be true, it could by no means be inferred, that the opposition made by France to our claims was the effect of any hostile or ambitious designs against them, or of any other design than that of reconciling them with those of Spain; that the hostile aspect which the separate article, as well as the concealment of it, bore to Spain, would be regarded by the impartial world as a dishonorable alliance with our enemies against the interests of our friends; but notwithstanding the disappointments and even indignities which the United States had received from Spain, it could neither be denied nor concealed, that the former had derived many substantial advantages from her taking part in the war, and had even obtained some pecuniary aids; that the United States had made professions corresponding with those obligations; that they had testified the important light in which they considered the support resulting to their cause from the arms of Spain by the importunity with which they had courted her alliance, by the concessions with which they had offered to purchase it, and by the

anxiety which they expressed at every appearance of her separate negotiations for a peace with the common enemy.

That our national safety would be endangered by Congress making themselves a party to the concealment of the separate article, he thought could be questioned by no one. No definitive treaty of peace, he observed, had as yet taken place; the important articles between some of the belligerent parties had not even been adjusted; our insidious enemy was evidently laboring to sow dissensions among them; the incaution of our Ministers had but too much facilitated them between the United States and France; a renewal of the war, therefore, in some form or other, was still to be apprehended; and what would be our situation if France and Spain had no confidence in us, —and what confidence could they have, if we did not disclaim the policy which had been followed by our Ministers?

He took notice of the intimation given by the British Minister to Mr. Adams, of an intended expedition from New York against West Florida, as a proof of the illicit confidence into which our Ministers had been drawn, and urged the indispensable duty of Congress to communicate it to those concerned in it. He hoped that if a committee should be appointed, for which, however, he saw no necessity, that this would be included in their report, and that their report would be made with as little delay as possible.

In the event, the letter from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, with all the despatches, and the several

propositions which had been made, were committed to Mr. WILSON, Mr. GORHAM, Mr. RUTLEDGE, Mr. CLARK, and Mr. HAMILTON.

THURSDAY, MARCH 20TH.

An instruction from the Legislature of Virginia to their Delegates, against admitting into the Treaty of Peace any stipulation for restoring confiscated property, was laid before Congress.

Also resolutions of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, requesting the Delegates of that State to endeavour to obtain at least a reasonable term for making the payment of British debts stipulated in the preliminary articles lately received.

These papers were committed to Mr. OSGOOD, Mr. MERCER, and Mr. FITZSIMMONS.

Mr. DYER, whose vote on the tenth day of March frustrated the commutation of the half-pay, made a proposition substantially the same, which was committed. This seemed to be extorted from him by the critical state of our affairs, himself personally, and his State, being opposed to it.

The motion of Mr. HAMILTON, on the Journals, was meant as a testimony on his part of the insufficiency of the Report of the Committee as to the establishment of revenues, and as a final trial of the sense of Congress with respect to the practicability and necessity of a general revenue equal to the public wants. The debates on it were chiefly a repetition of those used on former questions relative to that subject.

Mr. FITZSIMMONS, on this occasion, declared that, on mature reflection, he was convinced that a complete general revenue was unattainable from the States, was impracticable in the hands of Congress, and that the modified provision reported by the Committee, if established by the States, would restore public credit among ourselves. He apprehended, however, that no limited funds would procure loans abroad, which would require funds commensurate to their duration.

Mr. HIGGINSON described all attempts of Congress to provide for the public debts out of the mode prescribed by the Confederation as nugatory; that the States would disregard them; that the impost of five per cent. had passed in Massachusetts by two voices only in the lower, and one in the upper, house; and that the Governor had never formally assented to the law; that it was probable this law would be repealed, and almost certain that the extensive plans of Congress would be reprobated.

FRIDAY, MARCH 21ST.

The Report on revenue was taken into consideration, and the fifth and sixth paragraphs, after discussion, being judged not sufficiently explicit, were recommitted to be made more so.

A motion was made by Mr. CLARK, seconded by Mr. BLAND, to complete so much of the Report as related to an impost on trade, and send it to the States immediately, apart from the residue.

In support of this motion it was urged that the impost was distinct in its nature, was more likely to be adopted, and ought not, therefore, to be delayed or hazarded by a connexion with the other parts of the Report. On the other side it was contended, that it was the duty of Congress to provide a system adequate to the public exigencies; and that such a system would be more likely to be adopted by the States than any partial or detached provision, as it would comprise objects agreeable, as well as disagreeable, to each of the States, and as all of them would feel a greater readiness to make mutual concessions, and to disregard local considerations, in proportion to the magnitude of the object held out to them.

The motion was disagreed to, New Jersey being in favor of it, and several other States divided.

SATURDAY, MARCH 22D.

A letter was received from General Washington, enclosing his address to the convention of officers, with the result of their consultations. The dissipation of the cloud which seemed to have been gathering afforded great pleasure, on the whole, to Congress; but it was observable that the part which the General had found it necessary, and thought it his duty, to take, would give birth to events much more serious, if they should not be obviated by the establishment of such funds as the General, as well as the army, had declared to be necessary.5

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