"That the exercife of that right, in appointing an adequate Reprefentative Government, is the wifeft device of human policy, and the only fecurity of National Freedom."

The Refolutions of the Sheffield Society having fuggefted Univerfal Suffrage, and the Southwark Society having added the general idea of a Reprefentative Government, a Society, called The Norwich Revolution Society, on the 26th of April 1792, fent a letter to the Conftitutional Society, entered in the minutes of their proceedings on the 4th of May 1792, in which there is this paffage: "This Society is willing to hope the redrefs of every existing grievance at the hands of a government refulting from an extraordinary Convocation, in 1688, of all who ha at any preceding time been elected Reprefentatives of the People, afiifted by the Hereditary Counsellors of the Nation, and a peculiar deputation from the metropolis, which National Conftituting Affembly cafhiered for misconduct a King of the Houfe of Stuart."

It seems evidently to be the intention of this paffage to represent the Revolution of 1688 as a precedent for a National Conflituting Affembly, and to shelter under that authority the indirect recommendation of the proceedings and terms which have recently been adopted in France.

This communication, with others from different Societies at Norwich, were followed by a refolution, expreffing that the Society for Conftitutional Information received them with heart-felt fatisfaction, and defired earnestly to concur and co-operate with thofe Societies in their laudable objects.

They alfo elected twelve Members of the Norwich Society affociated Members of their own Society.

And they added a Refolution, that a Committee fhould be appointed to confider whether any and what communication should be made, and by what means, by the Society, with the Society of Friends of the Conftitution at Paris.

It appears by entries of the 11th of May, 1792, that "The Society of Friends of the Conftitution at Paris, mentioned in the former Refolution, were the Jacobin Club there; and on the fame day it was refolved, that there fhould be a communication with that Club; and an Addrefs was read and agreed to, and ordered to be figned by the Chairman, and tranfmitted to Paris.

Towards the clofe of the fame year, and fome time fubfequent to the Revolution of the 10th of Auguft, which finally deftroyed all traces of Monarchy in France, the Society refolved to addrefs the National Convention, which was then invefted with the whole Legiflative and Executive Government, and was affembled for the purpofe of framing a new Conftitution, and proceeding to the trial of the King. This paper is conceived in terms which leave no room to doubt of the views of those who framed it. The Addrefs ftiles the Convention" Servants of a fovereign People, and Benefactors of Mankind :" It rejoices that the Revolution in France had arrived at that point of perfection which aabled the Society to address the Convention by that title; and it declares that that is the only title that can accord with the characters of true Legylators. It fpeaks of the proceedings of the 10th of Auguft as a glorious victory, which had finally prepared the way for a Conftitution which the Society trufted the Convention would establish on the bafis of reafon and nature. It represents the proceedings of the Convention as labours in the work of human happinefs, and adds, "THE BENEFITS WILL IN PART BE OURS, but the glory will be all your own; and it is the reward of your perfeverance; it is the prize of virtue." Then, drawing a comparison between the ftate of liberty in England, America, and France, it not only gives a decided preference to the American Republic over the Bri

tish

tish Monarchy, but treats the fplendour of the French Revolution as the object of the higheft admiration.

This Addrefs was ordered to be prefented by two of the Members of the Society at the Bar of the National Convention; and it was presented accordingly.

But the terms of this Addrefs are not the only evidence on this head. An Address, framed a short time before by the London Corresponding Society, which had been communicated to the Conftiturional Society, and had received their exprefs approbation, and which was presented likewife to the French Convention, contained pallages clearly expreffing the fame intent, and fuggesting the idea of a triple Alliance (not of Crowns, but) of the People of America, France, and Britain, to give freedom to Europe, and peace to the whole world.

Thefe tranfactions are rendered ftill mor, remarkable by the verbal Address of the Deputies at the time of prefenting the Addrefs of the Society, and by the antwer of the Prefident, which they tranfmitted. The letters of the Deputies to the Society have been found among the papers of that Society, together with a copy of the Addrefs of the Deputies, and the anfwer of the Prefident. In the firft, after pointing out their wishes to effect in their own country a Revolution fimilar to that made in France, the Deputies confider the example of France as having made Revolutions easy; and add, that it would not be extraordinary i, in a fhort fpace of time, the French fhould fend Addreffes of Congratulation to a National Convention of England; and the Prefident in his anfwer fays, "The moment, without doubt, approaches, when the French will bring congratulations to the National Convention of Great Britain."

On the 7th of December 1792, the letter of the Deputies was read in the Society, as appears by an entry in their books.

In January 1793, Barrere, Roland, and St. André were elected (as has been mentioned in the former Report) Honorary Members of the Society; and on the 1st of February, the fpeeches of Barrere and St. Andre were ordered to be entered on the books of the Society, and this refolution ordered to be printed in the newspapers, which it actually was on the 5th of February 1793.

The circumftance of the time at which this marked approbation was publicly given to leading Members of the National Convention of France, would render this meafure of itfelf a ftrong indication of the views of the Society, and as fuch it was referred to by the Committee in their former Report.

But on more particular reference to the fpeeches themfelves, which were thus recommended to public notice, this tranfaction will be found to be of much more importance; it is not barely an approbation of leading perfons profeffing principles, and purfuing meafures, hoftile to the general interefts of the country: the fpeeches were delivered for the exprefs purpose of accelerating the condemnation and execution of the French King. The doctrines contained in them directly relate to the precife object of a National Convention, and to the queftion of the perfonal refponfibility of Sovereigns; they contain a statement of the rights, duties, and functions of fuch an Affembly; which cannot be fuppofed to have been recommended to the public attention for any other poffible purpofe than that of laying the foundation of a fimilar proceeding in this country, and that with the direct intention of employing it for the deftruction of the Sovereign, and the utter fubverfion of the Constitution. This conclufion will be fully juftified by an extract from the fpeeches in queftion, which are expreffed in terms fo

-remarkable

remarkable, that the Committee cannot too ftrongly recommend them to the attention of the Houfe.

: The following paffage is extracted from St. André's fpeech:

"Your right to decide the fate of the King arifes from your being a Revolutionary Affembly, created by the nation in a state of infurrection."

Barrere's speech is much more full and more fyftematically reafoned; it is divided into feveral heads, from which the following extracts are taken.

"This proceeding (speaking of the trial of the King) is of the highest importance to public order, abfolutely neceffary to the exiftence of liberty, and connected with whatever is held most facred by the nation. From the calmnefs and temper which have diftingu fhed the deliberations of the Convention on this occasion, it may be forefeen that justice and reafon will direct its ultimate fentence. hiftory will record the ftriking contrast between Kings, who, in the midft of the diffipation of Courts, fign profcriptions and death warrants for the deftruction of thousands of citizens, and the Reprefentatives of the People, who deliberate with wifdom and caution on the punishment of a single deípot.

"It is the deftiny of Kings to be the occafion of the calamities of the people, whether they remain on their Thrones, or whether they are precipitated from them."

" PART II.

"Whether the Perfon of the King be inviolable.

"The people of Paris, by making an holy infurrection against the King on the oth of Auguft, deprived him of his character of inviolability. The people of the other Departments applauded this infurrection, and adopted the confequence of it. The people have therefore formally interpofed to deftroy this Royal inviolability. The tacit confent of the people rendered the perfon of the King inviolable. The act of infurrection was a tacit repeal of that confent, and was founded on the fame grounds of law as the confent itfelf-The King's perfon is inviolable only with relation to the other branches of the legiflature, but not with relation to the people."

PART III.

"Whether an Appeal fhall be made to the People?

"The People is the Sovereign.

"A Convention differs from an ordinary Legiflature in this refpect.-A Legiflature is only a fpecies of fuperintending Magiftracy, a Moderator of the powers of Government.-A Convention is a perfect reprefentation of the Sovereign.-The Members of the Legislative Affembly acted in Auguft upon thefe principles-In fummoning the Convention, they declare, that they faw but one meature which could fave France; namely, to have recourfe to the fupreme will of the People, and to invite the People to exercife immediately that unalienable right of fovereignty which the Conftitution had acknowledged, and which it could not fubject to any reftriction. The public intereft required that the People fhould manifeft their will by the election of a National Convention, formed of Keprefentatives invefied by the People with unlimited powers.-The People did manifeft their will by the election of that Convention.-The Convention being affembled, is itself that Sovereign will which ought to prevail. It would be contrary to every principle to fuppofe that the Convention is not alone exclusively the expreffion of the general will.

"The powers of the Convention muft, from the very nature of the Affembly, be unlimited with refpect to every measure of general fafety,

fuch as the execution of a tyrant.—It is no longer à Convention if it has not power to judge the King.

"A Convention is a conftituent body, i. e. a body that is to make a Conftitution for the People.-A Legislature makes laws under an eftablished Conftitution, and in conformity to it. It is defpotifm when in the ordinary and permanent establishment of a state there is no feparation of powers; but it is of the very effence of a conftituent body to concenter for the time all authority.-It is the very nature of a National Convention to be the Temporary Image of the Nation, to unite in itself all the powers of the State, to employ them against the enemies of Liberty, and to distribute them in a new focial compact called a Conftitution.

"Behold that Conftituent Affembly which laid the first foundations of your Liberty! Behold that Revolutionary genius! which broke through every impediment, exceeded its delegated authority, created its own powers according to the exigencies of liberty, and to the occafional wants of the people, deftroyed all prejudices by the force of that public opinion to which it gave birth, obliterated all privileges, abolished all the parliaments, changed the form and tenure of all property, as well as the measure and fign of all value, and made a perjured King its prifoner! Nothing was wanting to immortalize that Affembly, but to have delivered France from the calamity of Kingly Government, and to have relieved you from the duty of judging the laft of your Kings.

"With this example before your eyes, you hesitate even in the first ftep of your duty.-Am I then no longer in the midst of that National Convention, whofe honourable miffion it was to destroy Kings and Royalty!"

Having thus traced the proceedings of the Society for Conftitutional Information to the period when the commencement of the war with France neceffarily interrupted the developement of their principles and defigns by their correfpondence with that country, your Committee will now lay before the Houfe fuch particulars as relate to their proceedings at home, in concert with the London Correfponding Society, and with the feveral Societies in different parts of the country, during the fame period.

From thefe it will appear-that not only the London Correfponding Society, but all the principal Societies in the country, have been regularly under the inmediate aufpices of the Society for Constitutional Information, and have, both in their origin and progrefs, looked up to that Society for their guidance and direction in the purfuit of their common object:

That particularly fince the inftitution of the Correfponding Society, which appears from a very early period to have had an intimate connection with the Society for Conflitutional Information, a system of general correfpondence has been established, by means of which the principles of that Society (fuch as they have been already stated) have been widely diffufed and diffeminated through the country:

That throughout the whole of this extenfive correfpondence, the the ftrongest marks appear of an almoft univerfal agreement and cooperation among the country Societies, not only in the general princi ples to which your Committee has already referred, but alfo in the nature and frame of the Societies, in the fyftem of concert and delega tion, and in the particular object of forming a National Convention for the purpose of carrying their principles into full effect; and that traces of this defign are to be found in a greater or lefs degree at a very early period of this correfpondence.

The

The London Correfponding Society was inftituted in January 1792. A general account of the plan, according to which it was formed and diftributed into different divifions, has already been given in the laft Report, and a lift of the number of divifions, which had been gradually eftablished, has been found among the papers in the poffeffion of the Secretary.

In one of the first communications from the London Correfponding Society to the Society for Constitutional Information, they state, that "The Delegates of the Correfponding Society think it their duty to acquaint the Conftitutional Society, without delay, of the fubfcription begun among feveral of their divifions for the defence of the profecution faid to be commenced against that worthy Member of the Conftitutional Society, Mr. Thomas Paine, in confequence of his valuable publication, intitled the Rights of Man ;" and that they had no doubt that a numerous body would be found to follow an example, fo just in itself, and so effential to the fupport of that fmall portion of liberty which the people of England are still supposed to enjoy. That the approbation and encouragement which their feeble endeavours had met with from the Conftitutional Society, made them defirous of uniting more strongly and more immediately with that Society, and for this purpofe they wished that fix of their Members might be admitted into the Conftitutional Society, after the manner of those received from the Societies at Sheffield and Norwich."

The London Correfponding Society fignify that they are highly favoured by the readiness of the Conftitutional Society to admit fix of their Members, and that their fenfe of the favour fo conferred will be beft expreffed by their clofe attendance at the inftructive Meetings of the Conftitutional Society, and by their conftant endeavours to forward the fo beneficial and fo much wanted Reform of Parliamentary Reprefentation.

The following feries of Extracts is taken from the Correfpondence, both of the Society for Conftitutional Information and of the London Correfponding Society, with the feveral Societies inftituted in the country.

The firft is a letter from Sheffield to the Secretary of the Conftitutional Society, dated 15 January 1792, ftating that the Society eftablished at Sheffield humbly folicits the advice and affiftance of the Conftitutional Society for the purpose of forming a connection with all fimilar Societies in England; and adds, that information of the methods, terms, and manner of application for the above purpofe, as likewife the admiffion of one of their Members into the Conftitutional Society, will be efteemed a particular favour, and gratefully acknowledged. In the poftfcript to the letter, an account is given of the origin of the Sheffield Society; and it is ftated, that it at firft originated in an affembly of five or fix mechanics, who, from converfation about the enormous high price of provifions, the unbounded authority of the monopolifts of all ranks, from the King to the peafant, and the waste of the public property by placemen, penfioners, luxury, and debauchery, together with the mock reprefentation of the people, concluded that nothing but ignorance in the people could fuffer the natural rights of every free man to be thus violated. They formed a Society, which was gradually increafing, and divided into separate bodies. They re-published Paine's Rights of Man at the low price of 6d each copy, to which they propofed to annex an Abftract of the noted iniquitous Corn Bill of last year.

The fame Society at Sheffield, in a letter to the Conftitutional Society, mention that their numbers increafe, for that most of the towns and

villages