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Sec. 3.

(c) To organize and carry on any postgraduate teaching and research work for which Congress may hereafter appropriate or accept funds.

The board shall also have power: (a) To establish any classifications, definitions, requirements and standards which it may deem necessary and proper, for all incorporated educational institutions in the District of Columbia, wherever incorporated, which have or claim to have any degree-granting power; provided, that such classifications, definitions, requirements, and standards shall be consistent with those generally recognized in the United States as necessary and proper;

(6) To act as relator in quo warranto proceedings to forfeit the franchises of any such institution incorporated by or under act of Congress, for misuser or nonuser of the same;

(c) To approve or disapprove, as the board shall deem proper, any certificate of incorporation propose 1 to be filed in the office of the recorder of deeds of said District by any persons desiring to incorporate under the general incorporation law enacted by Congress for said District as a corporation having any degree-granting power, and no such certificate of incorporation shall be so filed unless accompanied by the certificate of approval of the board under its seal, to be filed for record therewith;

(d) To approve or disapprove, as the board shall deem proper, any proposed consolidation or merger of corporations incorporated by or under act of Congress and located in said District, having or claiming to have any degree-granting power;

(e) To act as complainant in behalf of the United States in proceedings to enjoin the operations within said District of any foreign corporations having or claiming to have any degree-granting power, and improperly granting degrees; and

v Generally to do all acts, not inconsistent with law, which the board may deem necessary for maintaining proper standards in the granting of degrees by colleges or universities in said District.

Sec. 4. The board shall report each year to the Secretary of the Interior, making such recommendations as it may deem proper for carrying into effect the purposes of this act.

VIII

PATRIOTISM

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: A midsummer afternoon is not the most auspicious time for anything so portentous as an address, and it is in no wise my purpose to make an address on an occasion and an afternoon like this. But I have been very glad to accept the complimentary invitation of your officers to come to this meeting to participate in hearing of the progress and work of the Society, and to make a few observations on a subject which the work of this Society suggests, and which the events in the present-day history of the world emphasize and invite us to dwell upon.

A society like this one of many score, many hundred, in this country and in other lands-is a very hearthstone of patriotism. It is by labors and by sacrifices such as yours that careful, affectionate and accurate record is made of men and women, of happenings, of events, of undertakings, of movements of opinion and of action that are worth remembering Your Society and other societies like-minded bring these records together, and make of them a hearthstone on which the fire of patriotism begins to burn; for the beginning of patriotism is love of home and all that home means, and thru it comes the entering into the hopes and ideals and purposes of that larger home which constitutes our country.

Perhaps you have not all reflected upon what this thing called patriotism is and how recently it has come into the history of man. There was nothing corresponding to what we mean by patriotism in the older world. There was loyalty to race; there was something approaching patriotism, perhaps, in the life of the Greek or Roman city; there was

1 An address delivered before the Newport Historical Society, August 16,

1915.

VIII

PATRIOTISM Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: A midsummer afternoon is not the most auspicious time for anything so portentous as an address, and it is in no wise my purpose to make an address on an occasion and an afternoon like this. But I have been very glad to accept the complimentary invitation of your officers to come to this meeting to participate in hearing of the progress and work of the Society, and to make a few observations on a subject which the work of this Society suggests, and which the events in the present-day history of the world emphasize and invite us to dwell upon.

A society like this one of many score, many hundred, in this country and in other lands—is a very hearthstone of patriotism. It is by labors and by sacrifices such as yours that careful, affectionate and accurate record is made of men and women, of happenings, of events, of undertakings, of movements of opinion and of action that are worth remembering Your Society and other societies like-minded bring these records together, and make of them a hearthstone on which the fire of patriotism begins to burn; for the beginning of patriotism is love of home and all that home means, and thru it comes the entering into the hopes and ideals and purposes of that larger home which constitutes our country

Perhaps you have not all reflected upon what this thing called patriotism is and how recently it has come into the history of man. There was nothing corresponding to what we mean by patriotism in the older world. There was loyalty to race; there was something approaching patriotism, perhaps, in the life of the Greek or Roman city; there was

1 An address delivered before the Newport Historical Society, August 16,

loyalty to ruling monarchs or dynasties; there was pride of origin or opinion; but so long as the nations of Europe and America were in the making, so long as life was fluid, and men were moving uneasily and rapidly over the face of the earth, without fixt habitat or permanent institutions, there was nothing corresponding to what we know as patriotism. Nor is patriotism compatible with any ambition for worldempire or dominion. So long as there was hope of bringing the whole world under the dominion of a single form of religion or under the control of a single governing powerso long as those dreams flitted before the eyes and minds of men-there was nothing corresponding to what we know as patriotism.

Patriotism began to rise when the modern nations took on their form; when each group of men found itself in a separate and substantially fixt habitat; when unity of language began to develope; when literature sprang up on the wings of language; when institutions and achievements began to appear and to organize themselves; and when men began to convene and to feel the need of a social and political life that had an end or a purpose of its own which they could understand and teach to their children. When there was something that could be handed down, some theory of life, some theory of social relationship, some theory of the status which each man bears to his fellow, then there began to emerge the materials out of which patriotism is made.

But only a hundred and fifty years ago, more or less, the word had a very sinister and ugly meaning. I remember once reading in the letters of Horace Walpole the statement that the most helpful declaration that could be made upon the hustings in England, was that the speaker was not then, and never had been, a patriot. For in the 17th century and in the early part of the 18th, the word patriot was almost synonymous with disturber, with revolutionistalmost synonymous with anarchist, as we use it so frequently, and often so incorrectly today.

Later, particularly in connection with the beginning of

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the life of this nation, the words "patriot” and “patriotism” began to take on a healthier, a more sympathetic and a finer meaning, and those healthier, more sympathetic and finer meanings have attached themselves to these words, until now the idea they convey and represent is one to which we are all glad to do honor.

A patriot is a man who stands to his country in the relation of a father to his child. He loves it; he cares for it; he makes sacrifices for it; he fights for it; he serves it; he tries to shape its course of thought and action, that it may most perfectly adhere to its purpose and its ideal.

We do not know- and no history, no science, no philosophy is yet wise enough fully to instruct us--the significance and meaning of each of the great civilizations of the modern world; but despite the present desperate and fearful clash of arms, we may be sure that there is a place for each one of them that each serves some purpose, makes some contribution, casts some reflection from the facet of its racial nature and national organization. Some purpose is fulfilled by each one of them, and each contributes its single beam, to help make the full, white light of civilization. We may be certain that to strike out from modern life any one of the great national elements which enter into it would be to make it poorer, and would be to disarrange and throw out of harmony the ever-moving plan of that civilization which has been built up by such hard and long work over so many centuries. Therefore we must have a care that we do not define patriotism as a cynic once defined it, as dislike of another country masked in the guise of love for our own.

There is no necessary conflict in the mind of the wise, well-instructed patriot, between the cause and purpose and aim of his nation and the cause and purpose and aim of the whole great group and family of nations. A patriot is not a termagant; he is not a destroyer of the peace; he is not one who treats with contempt or dislike his fellow who speaks another tongue or who owes allegiance to another flag or who loves another literature; but he is one who understands and

appreciates how these various aspects of civilized life can better serve the common purpose by better serving each its

own.

the life of this nation, the words “patriot” and “patriotism” began to take on a healthier, a more sympathetic and a finer meaning, and those healthier, more sympathetic and finer meanings have attached themselves to these words, until now the idea they convey and represent is one to which we are all glad to do honor.

A patriot is a man who stands to his country in the relation of a father to his child. He loves it; he cares for it; he makes sacrifices for it; he fights for it; he serves it; he tries to shape its course of thought and action, that it may most perfectly adhere to its purpose and its ideal.

We do not know- and no history, no science, no phil osophy is yet wise enough fully to instruct us--the significance and meaning of each of the great civilizations of the modern world; but despite the present desperate and fearful clash of arms, we may be sure that there is a place for each one of them--that each serves some purpose, makes some contribution, casts some reflection from the facet of its racial nature and national organization. Some purpose is fulfilled by each one of them, and each contributes its single beam, to help make the full, white light of civilization. We may be certain that to strike out from modern life any one of the great national elements which enter into it would be to make it poorer, and would be to disarrange and throw out of harmony the ever-moving plan of that civilization which has been built up by such hard and long work over so many centuries. Therefore we must have a care that we do not define patriotism as a cynic once defined it, as dislike of another country masked in the guise of love for our own.

There is no necessary conflict in the mind of the wise, well-instructed patriot, between the cause and purpose and aim of his nation and the cause and purpose and aim of the whole great group and family of nations. A patriot is not a termagant; he is not a destroyer of the peace; he is not one who treats with contempt or dislike his fellow who speaks another tongue or who owes allegiance to another flag or who loves another literature; but he is one who understands and

If a man or a woman is to rise to a true appreciation of
patriotism and wishes to be a real patriot, then he or she
must reflect upon the purpose of organized community
life. I think it was Bishop Berkeley--whose name is so
closely associated with this colony and this settlement-
who said in substance that those who never reflect upon the
great problems of the end and aim and purpose of life, might
be suitable to belong to a colony of industrious animals, but
never could rise to the height of being men and women.

Instead of rhetoric, a patriot needs philosophy; instead
of noisy and tumultuous expression of high feeling, he
needs serious purpose, insight into the significance of his
own country, a knowledge of its history, of its great per-
sonalities, of its policies, of its achievements, and above all,
a knowledge of its aim. He must ask himself not only,
"From what origin and by what steps has it come?" but
more insistently and more emphatically, “Toward what
end and toward what purpose is it moving? What is the
reason of it all?”

We Americans are fortunate above all peoples, in that those searching questions have been answered for us in two great classic documents, written in language so simple that the mass of the people can read and understand them documents which should be familiar, word by word, sentence by sentence, paragraph by paragraph, to every reflecting and educated American. I mean, of course, George Washington's Farewell Address, and the great Second Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln.

When George Washington was asked to permit his name to be used for the third time as candidate for the presidency, he declined in a noteworthy document, addresst to his fellow citizens. He not only set forth the reasons--the personal reasons which actuated his declination of a third term as president, but he went farther, and expounded and commended to his countrymen the principles of the country

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