persist, of vainglory on the one hand and smouldering resentment on the other. We must formulate; and we must formulate in the schools. The truths must be realized,

that their realization may the future.

become a moulding force for

How is this to be done? And what do we mean by the realization of a truth? It is by no means essential to institute special classes for the study, in simple or in more advanced ways, of the philosophy of a nation at war. Indeed, such teaching would positively suffer in having assigned to it a special and detached place. The realization of a truth, as distinct from the giving to it of a mere formal, customary assent, means seeing it in vital, organic relation to other truths already realized or in process of realization. Coordination is essential. War lessons must be correlated with other lessons. It must be realized how deeply and widely rooted are the laws which nations have to learn, and how close are their analogies and correspondences with the laws of all life. We will mention here one or two typical instances of connections that can be established with the subjects of the ordinary curriculum; but there is no need to attempt an exhaustive treatment. The best work is that which the teacher thinks out and develops for himself, according to the powers of each class and the opportunities furnished by the particular stage of the subject that is in hand.

Suppose Old Testament history to be under consideration. Again and again national dominance is condemned, by precept and by reasoning from bitter experience, more and more explicitly as greater seers and thinkers arise. Again, Assyria, Persia, Macedon in succession illustrate the inevitable collapse of the dominance-ideal. (How does our Empire differ from these? the teacher will ask. How have we erred in the building of it, and how far are we now realizing in it the principle of liberation, so as to justify its further existence?) Then, at the opening of the New Testament, it can be shown how the Hebrews reaped, in the Herodian visitation, the fruit of their own

effort for dominance. And in the clear and sweet atmosphere of the fundamental Christian ethic, liberation is everywhere the note that rings out. Take the Greek ethic again, and the essential truth and fineness of the attitude of the greatest Greeks towards Persia. A good study, too, can be made of the way in which Rome, becoming more and more exclusively dominant, deteriorated by corresponding stages into decrepitude. So to jump to one more salient historical instance there is the study of England's long-drawn-out attempt to dominate France, and of the lessons which the nation had to learn from that mistake.

From the very different region of natural science we can draw fresh justification for the new spirit that is creeping into our national consciousness. Biology shows that, in the long run, the fighting types go under; each in turn becomes obsolete, falls into a cul-de-sac of evolution and perishes, while the progressive types are those that fight when they must but whose primary vital aim is towards peaceful possession of their needs and free upward development for their kind. The whole trend of the rising scale of life is towards the finding of a modus vivendi and of an escape from the recurring vicious circle of aggression, defence and counter-aggression; life rises in proportion to its power of becoming more and more free for the constructive struggle to use its environment to the best advantage. Specialized aggressive types are exfoliated, and in due time shrivel off; while specialized defensive types (such as the mollusc, and later in biological history, the crustacean) make of their shells a permanent check upon further advance in the scale of being. Progressive life has

to find out a more excellent way. This is a rather abstract instance of a point of view which may be applied; but the details of its application, dependent as they will be upon the region of the subject which is being covered, will occur readily to the mind of the teacher.

It should not be thought that these necessarily terse and generalized suggestions of method imply a treatment

that is possible only with advanced classes; the task of simplification for children-even for quite young children-is by no means insuperable. The writer of this knows by experience that the reduction of the great issues raised by this war to their simplest human terms is an exercise well repaid by the keen interest and intelligence it evokes from a junior class; and well repaid, also, by the touchstone it supplies for distinguishing the true metal. What one can tell to children of national hopes, and not be ashamed is what a people can best trust among its aims and aspirations.

II. TEACHING PATRIOTISM

What, then, are children to be taught about the war, not merely what facts, but what principles, so that they may form a right judgment upon it and upon all other wars in which their country may be engaged? The principle is the important thing. Get that right and the teaching will be right. Get that wrong and the teacher, however patriotic he may feel, will be poisoning the minds of his pupils. It is not his duty, as a teacher, to communicate to them his own natural moods the anger against the Germans which we must all feel at times, the instinctive hatred of enemy for enemy, the instinctive pride in our own victories, which every boy feels in the victories of his own school over another. These things do not need teaching, they come naturally;. and the teacher who teaches them is wasting his own time or doing worse. Yet there is a patriotism that can be taught and ought to be taught, a patriotism that leads to duty, not to boasting or hatred; and a teacher can have a clear idea of this patriotism in his mind and can present it to his pupils so that they will be able to distinguish it from the patriotism which may help to ruin their country even thru their own heroic deeds.

The patriotism which is sane and modest, and not the less passionate for that, is of the same nature as the love which we have for our parents. It is, in fact, a natural affection; and we owe it, and the duty it imposes upon us, to our country as to our parents. It is our duty to defend

our country when it is threatened, as it is our duty to protect our parents from want. But just as we know our parents are imperfect human beings, so we ought to know that our country consists of imperfect human beings. Both may do wrong, and we are not then to maintain that they do right because they are our parents or our country. And, as no sensible or well-bred man would go about boasting that his parents surpast all other parents, so we ought not to boast thus of our country. It is mere vulgar egotism to believe that your country must be the finest in the world because it is yours. That can not be true of every country, and who are you to judge among them all and give the prize to your own? Patriotism is the desire to make your country, not the belief that it is, the best country in the world. Pure, unselfish love does not insist upon excellence in its object; and the more egotism there is in love the less love there is in it. Those who are ready to fight and die for England now are ready because she is their mother, not because they believe that she is the finest country in the world. If that were their reason, every man of clear judgment and detachment would lose his patriotism or be shaken in it. For it is, at least, a very doubtful question whether England is the finest country in all respects; and if teachers are to tell their pupils that it is, they will have to take a great many things for granted.

We are always being told, now, that the Germans believe their country to be in all things the finest country in the world. They have a passionate religious patriotism which has urged them to self-sacrifice and heroism, but also to what crimes and follies! Therefore the teacher needs to make it clear to his pupils that patriotism is not religion and can be no substitute for it. It is not a virtue to think your country right if it happens to be wrong, or to harbor any delusions about it whatever. It is a virtue only to love your country for what it is and in gratitude for what you owe to it, and to do your duty by it as you would by your parents, with love but not with egotistic pride. Teachers should not tell their pupils that England stands

in the war for all that is holy and good and Germany for all that is wicked. To say that is to make a religion of patriotism and a partisan of God. Our business is not to assume that God is with us, but to wage war and to aim at peace according to what we believe to be the will of God. A country in this is like an individual; if it believes that it is perfectly wise and good to start with, it is sure to do many things that are foolish and wicked. Its duty is to try to be wise and good; and the duty of every member of it is to contribute as much wisdom and goodness as he can to the whole, not to assume that his country is a perfect abstraction which needs from him merely what little encouragement his boasting and flattery can give it. That is what children need to be taught about patriotism, so that we may not blindly hate our enemies and in doing so fall as blindly into their worst errors.

III. FRENCH SCHOOLMASTERS TODAY

Thirty thousand teachers have been enrolled in the active fighting forces of France. Of this number 2,057 fell in the first year of war. Nearly 8,000 have been wounded or taken prisoner. Seven hundred have been mentioned in dispatches, 45 have been decorated with the "Legion of Honor," 52 with the "Médaille Militaire," nine with the "Order of St. George." This in brief is a year's achievement of French school teachers at the front. All ranks and grades are herein represented; and it is significant that nearly every one of them answering the call to arms elected to join the troops in the field rather than to remain in the rear occupied with administrative duties.

Quite as brilliant is the record of those teachers, overtaken by the tide of war, who for over a year have remained at their posts in the districts still held by the invader. Tho no statistics are compiled, it is known that many have been shot by the enemy in endeavoring to protect the interests of France; others have been removed as hostages to Germany, while still others have been killed while performing their humble duties. When, at the approach of the enemy, all civil authorities have evacuated