bers roaming along her western border, her frontier people flying in pale affright from Indian barbarities, just relieved from subjugation by the capitulation of Burgoyne, thus wounded, suffering, almost exhausted, maintained all her constancy and all her firmness. Justice to those patriots who resisted and ultimately defeated this cabal, would seem to require that the persons who composed it should be indicated. But as the removal of the commander-in-chief was never brought to a direct question, and as the votes on several of the prominent acts are not recorded, much must remain in uncertainty. Of his supporters in Congress, Morris, Duer and Carroll were foremost. Of his opponents, the Lees and the Adamses were regarded as the most conspicuous.* to the former, the allegation has been denied, and of the part taken by John Adams, who was nominated at its height a commissioner to France, but partial glimpses have, until recently, been caught. As What now is known is chiefly derived from his own writings and the recent narrative of his life. He speaks of himself, when arrived at manhood, as "teacher of a grammar school in Wooster," from which meritorious effort, he earned "a loose and scanty subsistence, his compensation little above that of a common day laborer," + says, that he had thoughts of preaching, but was deterred by his "experience of that order of men, and of the real *Edward Rutledge to John Jay: "I fear, with some reason, that a d-d infamous cabal is forming against our commander-in-chief, and that whenever they find themselves strong enough, they will strike an important blow. Recollect the indirect attempts that were repeatedly made against the command and reputation of poor Schuyler, and the fatal stab that was at last aimed at both; and let us be taught how necessary it is to oppose a cabal in its infancy. Were it in my power, I would stifle it in its birth. Conway, the Lees, and Adamses, are said to be at the bottom of this, besides an abundance of snakes that are concealed in the grass," + Works of Adams, i. 22. * design of that institution." He then prepared himself for the profession of the law, in which he was somewhat distinguished. His manners at this period of his life he thus describes, "I have insensibly fallen into a habit of affecting wit and humor, of shrugging my shoulders, and moving, distorting the muscles of my face. My motions are stiff and uneasy, ungraceful, and my attention is unsteady and irregular."† These peculiarities, time and care, in a degree, corrected. Of his temper he states a short time before he entered Congress, "I found the old warmth, heat, violence, acrimony, bitterness, sharpness of my temper and expression, was not departed." Nor did they ever depart. These manners and qualities were little suited to the courteous suavity of the gentry of the middle and southern colonies with whom he was called to act. "The man," he said of himself, "who has no better government of his tongue, no more command of his temper, is unfit for every thing but children's play, and the company of boys." The effect was soon apparent. But the defects of his character were deeper than he had either discovered or chose to disclose. Letters written by him, derogatory to a leading member of that body who had eloquently vindicated the rights of the colonies, censuring its tardy action, and revealing its proceedings, intercepted by the enemy, came back upon him; and, as these proceedings were under a most solemn injunction of secrecy, convicted him of a gross breach of faith. The day after these letters. were received, a secret committee was raised, and each colony of New England was represented in it, except Massachusetts.§ He had previously alienated Hancock, he now incurred the lasting contempt and hostility of Dickinson, and became an object of general "detestation." * His overweening love of self never forsook him. When beholding the departure of Washington, Lee and Schuyler, "for the American camp at Boston,” and the honors paid to them, he writes: "Such is the pride and pomp of war. I, poor creature, worn out with scribbling for my bread and my liberty, low in spirits and weak in health, must leave others to wear the laurels which I have sown, others to eat the bread which I have earned, a common case."† A member of Congress from South Carolina writes to Washington, then at the head of the army at Cambridge, pointing to John Adams: “One of our members sets out to-day for New England. Whether his intents be wicked or not, I doubt much. He should be watched." Groundless as this suspicion was, it shows the impression he had made on the minds of honorable men. His opinions as to the policy to be observed in respect to the army, are given by himself, then chairman of the Board of War. "I am much at a loss whether it would not be the best policy to leave every colony to raise its own troops, to clothe them, to pay them, to furnish them with tents, and indeed with every thing but provisions, fuel and forage. The project of abolishing provincial distinctions was introduced with a good intention, I believe, at first, but, I think, it will do no good upon the whole." § Dr. Rush states, "I saw this gentleman walk the streets of Philadelphia alone, after the publication of his intercepted letters in our newspapers, in 1775, an object of nearly universal scorn and detestation.”—Adams' Works, ii. 513— note. + Letters of J. Adams to Mrs. Adams, 29. Adams' Works, i. 192. Lynch to Washington. § Adams to General Greene.-Adams' Works, ix. 403. June 22, 1776. And as to the appointment of officers, he wrote, "If you leave the appointment of officers to the general or to the Congress, it will not be so well done as if left to the assemblies." * Such were his ideas in seventy-six. Another year shows the consummation of his "visionary notions." "I hope, for my own part, that Congress will elect annually all the general officers. If in consequence of this, some great men should be obliged at the year's end to go home and serve their country in some other capacity, not less necessary, and better adapted to their genius, I do not think the public would be ruined. Perhaps it would be no harm."‡ With this view he joined warmly in the plot to elevate Gates. 66 History had no lesson to prompt confidence in 'Washington,' and, on the other hand, it was full of warnings. In this light, the attempt, whilst organizing another army in the north, to raise up a second chief as a resource, in case of failure with the first, must be viewed as a measure, not without much precautionary wisdom. The conception, probably, belonged to Samuel Adams, who, in the absence of his kinsman, had been added to the Board of War; but it was actively promoted by both.” Such is the language of his biographer.§ His preference of State troops, of State appointments of officers, and of “annual generals," show the bias of his mind, and are in accordance with an opinion soon after expressed. "Government and law in the States, large taxation and strict discipline in our armies, are the only things wanting as human means." These could not exist without government and laws pervading the whole United States. This great want, and only remedy, were not in his contemplation. Adams to Knox.-Ibid. i. 257. + Hamilton's Works, vii. 689. A principal agency in this cabal is truly ascribed to Samuel Adams, in energy and steadiness of purpose far the superior of his kinsman; and whose early services, zeal and proscription, have imparted to him a singular interest. Born with all the qualities to aid in subverting an established government, this determined man was devoid of those necessary to build one up. Proceeding on the principle that all confidence is unsafe, he labored to confine the powers of the confederacy within the narrowest limits, and opposed with obstinacy every effort to enlarge them. This spirit of indiscriminate distrust darkened all his counsels, and was combined with a fanaticism which disregarded experience, and undervalued human agency. Thus, in the most alarming periods of the Revolution, when the condition of the country ought to have unchained his mind,-while he cheered the hesitating with reiterated appeals to Providence,* he opposed long enlistments, from an apprehension of standing armies, and contended for a rotation in command, on the ground that if the precedent were once established, "no military chief * An instance of this kind is related of this more than ordinary man, who led on the bold by his courage, and stirred up the tranquil by his arts; and who, though himself the victim of superstition, was not the less aware how deep its sources spring in the human breast. At a moment when Congress was sitting disheartened and hesitating, the arrival of a vessel with military stores from France was announced. Availing himself of this intelligence, he arose from his seat, and exclaiming with extended arms-" It is a sign from Heaven! Providence,-Providence is on our side!" dissipated the doubts of those around him. With the same sublimated feeling, when an unlimited price was offered him by an agent of the king, he replied, in a determined manner: "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage, 'It is the advice of Samuel Adams to him to insult no longer the feelings of an exasperated people." " |