Most were guardedly limited to them; Massachusetts alone proposed "Articles of Union and Confederation of all the Provinces for their general defence, as well in time of peace as in war." At this important meeting, among the commissioners were seen Thomas Hutchinson from Massachusetts, Meschec Weare of New Hampshire, and Roger Wolcott of Connecticut, Franklin and Penn from Pennsylvania; the lieutenant-governor of New York, James Delancey, presiding.

The proposal of Massachusetts, though the first official recommendation of a Colonial Federal Government, was not the first suggestion of it. More than thirty years previous it had been publicly recommended.

Looking to the necessity of a protection prompt and efficient, to be drawn chiefly from the united resources of the American colonists, against the encroachments of France and Spain, an inhabitant of Pennsylvania, describing the province of Carolina, hinted the outline of a Federal system in seventeen hundred and twenty-two.*

The Indians assembled at Albany from different parts of the continent, in all their wild and various costumes.

"A description of the English Province of Carolina, by the Spaniards called Florida, and by the French, La Louisiane." By Daniel Coxe. The author proposes "that all the Colonies appertaining to the crown of Great Britain, on the Northern Continent of America, be united under a legal, regular, and firm establishment."

The lieutenant of the king, or supreme governor, to be appointed by him, to reside in America, and to appoint the governors of each colony, who were to be subordinate.

The council and assembly of each province were to elect annually two deputies to "a great council of the estates of the colonies,” and, by the consent of the supreme governor, to meet, consult, settle, and appoint the particular quotas or proportions of money, men, &c., that each colony was to raise for their mutual defence and safety-the supreme governor having a negative. Other jurisdiction, powers, and authorities, it was intimated, might be vested in the governor and this council.

They were told, in a general speech, "We come to strengthen and brighten the chain of friendship—strong and bright so long as the sun and moon shall endure, and in the name of the Great King, our Father, and in behalf of all His Majesty's colonies, we now solemnly renew, brighten and strengthen the ancient covenant chain, and promise to keep the same inviolable and free from rust." A chain belt was delivered, representing the king, the colonies, the Six Nations, with a space for others. The French advances were then stated, and they were asked "to concert how to scatter these clouds."

The Indians complained of intrusions on their lands: "We find we are very poor. We thought we had yet land round about us, but it is said, there are writings for it all." They reminded them of "the condition of the ancient covenant chain, that they be considered with a brotherly regard." "We will take this chain belt," said Hendrick, a sachem of the Mohawks, "to Onondaga, where our council fire always burns, and keep it so securely, that neither thunder nor lightning shall break it. There we will consult over it, and add as many links more as we can." "It is true that the clouds hang heavy over us, and 'tis not very pleasant to look up, but we give you this belt to clear away all clouds, that we may all live in bright sunshine, and keep together in strict union and friendship." "You are not safe from danger one day. The French have their hatchet in their hands. We don't know but this very night they may attack us. When you came. here we were very strong, you were few and weak.” "We now are few and weak.” "We view you as a very large tree which has taken deep root in the ground, whose branches are spread very wide. We stand by the body of this tree, and we look round to see if there be any to endeavor to hurt it, and if it should be so, that any are

powerful enough to destroy it, we are ready to fall with it."*

With such gifts as were usual, these Indians departed, waiting a summons to that war which was to precipitate their melancholy destiny. Nor were they all blind to their fate. The commissioners, having stated the British title to these colonies, and the aggressions of the French, now considered the "plan of UNION." It proposed an act of parliament to constitute a general government for all the colonies-each to retain its present constitution, except a change might be directed,—to be administered by a President-General appointed by the crown, and a triennial grand council of deputies to be chosen by the assembly of each colony. It was to have power of war or peace with, and of purchases from the Indians; of raising soldiers and equipping fleets; of laying duties, imposts and taxes; the product to be received by a general treasurer, and subject to the president and council with a proviso that the laws it passed should not be repugnant to those of England, and not be disapproved by the king.

This plan originated with Benjamin Franklin, once a poor printer's boy, recently elevated to the important office of postmaster-general of America, who had just ‡ verified the identity of lightning and electricity, disarming it of its terrors, to which American genius has since given a quiet voice of intelligence, yet to circle the globe.

This first official plan of a general UNION of the Provinces, neither acceptable to the crown nor to the colo* Doc. Hist. of N. Y., ii. 330.

"One of these woodland kings, who chalked out a sketch of the interior forests, rivers, and lakes, with a clear discernment of their relations, dropped the jealous but judicious observation, that Louisburgh was one key of the inland country, and New York another, and that the power which had both, would open the great chest and have Indians and all.”—Smith, ii. 181.

1752.

nies, failed; and England commenced a war with France, relying for aid on the separate provincial assemblies.

Deeply interested as New York was in its result, liberal in her supplies, and zealous in her efforts, still the determination of her people to maintain their colonial rights was unshaken. To secure a pure unbiassed administration of justice, by giving to the judiciary an independent tenure of office, was an object worthy all her exertions, but they were in vain. A principle, the noblest feature of the British constitution, was not to be extended to colonists, however faithful or enlightened. Ministerial influence would not admit such a check. Its earnest appeal to the crown was not only rejected, but it was announced, that not merely the tenure of the office of chief justice, but the amount and payment of his salary, would be at the pleasure of the king.

France

The treaty of Paris in seventeen hundred sixty-three terminated this war. France ceased to be a rival on this continent. England triumphed. The colonies exulted. Both were engrossed with the present successes. alone, looking into the future, found consolation for her losses in the assurance that, through them, the birth of an empire able to cope with her late enemy, was near.

The recent efforts of the colonies and the burthens they had incurred, ought to have given them at least a short respite from the exactions of England. But the crown reasoned, as crowned heads are wont to do, for its power and its prerogative; and it found in mercenary parliaments not unwilling tools. The power of the king had been limited by the revolution. Despotism now took refuge in the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy.

Hitherto the quarrels of government had been with each separate colony. They now assumed the comprehensive and more imposing form of a general controversy

with them all upon a great, common, vital principle. Parliament claimed the right, not merely of regulating their trade, but of levying in the colonies internal taxes.

"At a

The first official proposal to carry into effect this new doctrine originated at a MILITARY CONCLAVE. COUNCIL held at the CAMP at ALEXANDRIA in Virginia on the fourteenth of April, seventeen hundred fifty-five, General Braddock, in pursuance of his instructions, proposed that a cOMMON FUND' be established in the colonies for carrying on the services under his direction. The colonial governors present advised him of their unsuccessful efforts with the assemblies for the establishment of such a fund; gave it as their opinion that it can never be done without the aid of parliament;' and unanimously recommended that it should be proposed to his majesty's ministers to find out some method of COMPELLING them to do it.” *

While this suggestion was under consideration, an act was passed, at the instance of the British West Indies, commonly called the sugar act, to stop the illicit and lucrative trade of the American colonies with the French and Spanish plantations, which the war had interrupted. The folly of this legislation was not less than its arbitrary character. This traffic was most beneficial, it being an exchange of British manufactures and of the surplus productions of the British colonies for gold and silver in bullion and other necessary articles, not interfering with any branch of British or colonial industry, but stimulating and fostering it.

Alarmed at a measure of such deep, extensive injury, and at the contemplated parliamentary taxation, the New York assembly first approached the governor, hoping he would join with them "in an endeavor to secure that

*Doc. Hist. of N. Y., ii. 378.