CHAPTER IV.

THIS violation of the press was prompted by the distrust of Sears, who had withdrawn to Connecticut, of the councils in New York, at times showing the impress of the popular feeling, then relapsing into submission.*

Schuyler, pointing out the fatal consequences of abandoning Ticonderoga and Crown Point, urged them to forward troops. "Our troops," they told him, " can be of no "can service to you. They have no arms, clothing or ammunition. The officers no commissions, the treasury no money, ourselves in debt. We will remove difficulties as fast as we can and send you soldiers, whenever the men we have raised are entitled to that name." At his instance, they now ordered an artillery company to be formed,† and soon after adopted a plan for organizing the militia of the State each company to furnish minute men to be subject to the articles of war established by the Continental Congress, and to a penalty for absence from duty. Power was given to impress arms in the hands of private citizens, and, at the instance of the General Congress, mounted

* Sears called on Connecticut to raise a regiment for the express purpose of expelling the tories from New York, Nov. 28, 1775.

The uniform of this company was to be "blue, faced with buff,”—said to be the first official designation of a uniform in this country.

men were to be stationed on the public roads to give intelligence.

Schuyler also pressed them to strengthen the works on the Hudson River. "Every object, as to importance, sinks almost to nothing when put in competition with that." Little was done. News arrived that German mercenaries were coming, and looking to the probability of their city being again taken possession of, the Provincial Congress gave an assurance of protection to Tryon if he would return; avowing "their unshaken loyalty to their sovereign." They deprecated the destination thither of General Lee with troops, lest it should induce an attack upon the city. The provincial forces then counted about six hundred men.

In the mean time, the great Council of the colonies were acting with a clearer vision of the future.* The expenditure of millions had given them importance and influence, and they began to look at their finances. Such had been the credit of the several colonial emissions, guardedly issued and carefully redeemed, that the possibility of discredit to those of the united colonies had scarcely been imagined. The improvidence which had been a means of power, it began to be seen, must have a check; and a committee of accounts and claims, to consist of a member from each colony, was appointed, to whom all accounts "against the Continent were to be

referred.

In consequence of instructions from Rhode Island,† armed vessels were to be fitted out "for the protection and defence of the united colonies," or, in the language of that State "for carrying on the war effectively, and

September 13, 1775.

August 26, 1775. Stated to have been prepared and presented by Samuel Ward, a delegate from that colony.

building an American fleet." All captured British armed vessels and transports were to be forfeited. The colonies were requested to institute admiralty courts with jury trials, subject to an appeal to Congress or to such persons as it should appoint for hearing the appeals, thus having a national prize court in view. The captures by private armed vessels were to enure to the owners; those by public armed vessels, one third to the captors, the residue to the colony by which they were fitted. Thus the fleet, as was the army, would be of the separate colonies. But it being necessary that it should be controlled by Congress, rules and regulations were soon after established, chiefly taken from the English code, for "the regulation of the navy of the united colonies." In the same view, officers were appointed by Congress, Hopkins of Rhode Island being commissioned "commander-in-chief of the fleet."

A "new army" was to be raised, "intended to lie before Boston," to be paid by the General Congress; and battalions of troops for the defence of North Carolina and Georgia.

New Hampshire was recommended to call "a full and free representation of the people to form a government to exist during the present disputes," which recommendation, ere the close of the year, was extended to South Carolina and to Virginia.

Another emission of bills of credit was ordered to be sunk by the several colonies according to their quotas, for which "the Thirteen United Colonies were pledged," and, progressive to the final result, Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina were authorized to export their produce every where, except to Great Britain and her dependencies, and in return to import "salt."

A committee had been appointed to proceed to Canada to induce the Canadians "to accede to the Union" and to

send delegates to the Congress, assuring them of their purpose to obtain for them the blessings of a free government; and that they "hold sacred the rights of conscience, and the free enjoyment of their religion." But how could be appreciated the blessings of liberty by a people shrouded in ignorance, and happy in the torpor of a passive obedience?

It was in the hope of aid from the Canadians, or, at least, of their neutrality, that Schuyler had been ordered to advance into that province, "badly disciplined and supplied as his army was." Roused for a moment by the presence of the colonial troops, the poor peasantry contributed their little aids, but the Catholic clergy, won by the recent Quebec act, preferred the English sway; and their influence with their votaries was decisive.*

Earnest as Schuyler's efforts were, they were too late. A vigorous incursion, immediately after the capture of the posts on Champlain, might have been successful. But the time had passed, and the unsuccessful assault upon Quebec was only signalized by the gallantry of the combatants and by the fall of Montgomery, deplored as a national calamity.

Elsewhere the scene was brighter. The heights near Boston were occupied by a besieging army under WASHINGTON, if that might be called an army, a concourse of men, reasoning upon every order, and discussing every movement, crumbling to pieces and being renewed within musket shot of their enemy. Yet that army, by the conduct and imposing presence of their commander, now in

* Colonel Hazen to Schuyler. The clergy “are unanimous, though privately, against our cause, and I have too much reason to fear many of them, with other people of some consequence, have carried on a correspondence the whole winter with General Carleton in Quebec, and are now plotting our destruction."- Washington's Writings, iii. 302.

spired to duty and moulded to service, though poorly supplied with the necessaries of war, were closely pressing the disciplined, well-provided troops under Howe, with whom the question was arising of a defeat or a retreat.

Nor would Washington, as ardent as he was a cautious soldier, have permitted it to be long a question. He proposed to invade the invaders. "No opportunity can present itself earlier than my wishes." But a council of war this time happily objected. The effusion of more blood was prevented by the evacuation of Boston.*

While these events were passing, the Continental Congress took the final stand of a severance from Great Britain, a design hastened by the fatuitous policy of her arms. For, though the unauthorized acts of its officers, it seemed as if she had decided to pass an electric shock along the whole nerve line of the colonies.

On the first day of the new year, anticipating attacks upon the Carolinas and Virginia, Congress urged upon them "a vigorous defence and opposition." The same day, Dunmore, secure on shipboard, signalized the predatory warfare he had begun by reducing Norfolk, the chief town of Virginia, to ashes. Indignant at this wanton attack upon his native State, Washington wrote, "I hope my countrymen (of Virginia) will rise superior to any losses the whole navy of Great Britain can bring on them, and that the destruction of Norfolk and threatened devastation of other places, will have no other effect than to UNITE the whole country in one INDISSOLUBLE BOND against a nation which seems to be lost to every sense of virtue, and those feelings which distinguish a civilized people from the most barbarous savages. A few more of such flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning con

* March 17, 1776.